The Journal of Legislative Studies

Abstracts of articles in Issue 8.3

Reform of the House of Lords: Lessons from Abroad by Mark Sandford and Philip Cowley

Explicating the Australian Senate by John Uhr

This article is a revised version of a paper outlining the role and performance of the Australian Senate originally prepared for the seminar in March 2002 on House of Lords Reform organised by the Constitution Unit, University College London and the Centre for Legislative Studies, University of Hull. For the most part, the article follows the original conference form of brief answers to questions identified by the conference organisers. The article argues that the Senate provides an important working model of an elective upper house in a Westminster-derived parliamentary system. It does not pretend to be a comprehensive account of the Australian Senate. Rather, the main aim is to examine the Senate’s evolving place in the Australian system of responsible parliamentary government.

The Canadian Senate: Chamber of Sober Reflection or Loony Cousin Best Not Talked About by David C. Docherty

The Canadian Senate has been the object of much debate and scorn. An appointed body, the Senate has never successfully fulfilled its original purposes, namely to be a voice for regional and propertied interests. Its anti-democratic foundations have made the Senate easy prey for public cynicism, despite the fact that its appointed members are more reflective of the Canadian population than the elected members of House of Commons. There have been many attempts at Senate reform in the past quarter-century, none of which have been implemented. This article argues that most attempts at Senate reform have failed because they have been linked to larger constitutional reform packages. The best hope for change to the structure of the Senate lies in smaller, incremental moves that do not require amending the Canadian constitution.

The Role and Future of the Upper House in Ireland by Michael Laver

Ireland is a highly centralised unitary state and thus lacks the standard ‘federal’ justification of a Senate as a place in which the interests of the constituent states are represented. Nonetheless, Ireland has a Senate under the 1937 Constitution, comprising three types of senator: those indirectly elected from ‘vocational’ panels, those directly elected by graduates of the two traditional universities and those nominated by the Prime Minister. Its powers are extremely weak. Several attempts to reform the Irish Senate have failed, in large part as a result of an unwillingness of the political elite to change a situation in which politicians who are unsuccessful in election to the lower house can find a political home pending the next election. There does however remain a potential future role for the Senate – if it were to be directly elected and given important jobs to do such as the oversight of EU legislation.

The Italian Senate by Gianfranco Pasquino

This article analyses the composition and the functions of the Italian Senate. There are 315 senators, three-quarters of them elected in single-member constituencies through a first-past-the-post system, the remaining ones are elected according to the additional member system among the best losers. The voting age for the Senate is 25 and only Italian citizens who are 40 years or older can be elected. All former Presidents of the Italian Republic are life senators – at present two. Moreover, the President may appoint additional life senators among outstanding Italian citizens – at present five. The Italian Senate has the same powers and performs the same functions as the House of Deputies. According to some scholars and politicians, this system accounts for a better legislation; according to the critics, the Italian model of bicameralism is simply old, cumbersome and useless. The Senate provides a number of ministers commensurate to its size, but only one Prime Minister has ever held a seat in the Senate. The most important debates take place in the House of Deputies, but the government may be defeated in the Senate because all Italian governments must enjoy the confidence of both chambers. Though several proposals for the reform of the Senate have been entertained, none has been approved so far. It is unlikely that even the transformation of the Senate into a Chamber representing the regions, along the model of the German Bundesrat, will take place.

Why are Second Chambers so Difficult to Reform? by Meg Russell and Mark Sandford

The experiences of second chambers in Canada, Australia, Italy and Ireland suggest that second chamber reform faces a number of inherent problems. It must frequently negotiate exacting procedures for constitutional change, may be caught up in wider constitutional issues and often comes a long way down the list of a government’s priorities: an ineffective second chamber, or one with low public legitimacy, can be of value to the government. In the UK the public commitment of the current Government, based on decades of Labour Party tradition, together with the absence of a written constitution, may increase the likelihood of these obstacles being overcome.

Concepts of Representation and the Passage of the Sex Discrimination (Election Candidates) Bill by Sarah Childs

The Sex Discrimination (Election Candidates) Bill was introduced to the House of Commons in October 2001, gaining Royal Assent in February 2002. The Bill followed the decrease in the numbers of women elected in the 2001 General Election. It permits political parties to introduce positive action in the selection of candidates. The Bill received cross party support and had an easy passage through both Houses of Parliament. Informed by feminist concepts of representation this article examines the arguments employed by MPs and Peers in support of the legislation. Arguments associated with the claim that women have a different political style received little support. There was greater discussion of, and support for, arguments based on symbolic representation and substantive representation, although many MPs were reluctant to make the strong claim that women’s substantive representation is dependent upon women’s presence. However, the most widely supported argument in favour of the Bill was the justice argument, namely, that women are currently being denied equal opportunities in the parties’ selection processes.

The Effect of District: Russian Single-member District Deputies and their Constituents’ Preferences by Frank C. Thames

For representative democracies to function properly, elected officials must represent the interests of their constituents. This article attempts to determine whether the voting behaviour of Russian single-member district deputies in the first two post-communist Dumas was influenced by constituent preferences. Previous research on the Duma has questioned the existence of such constituent-legislator links in the new Russia. Based upon a statistical analysis of Duma voting behaviour, this article argues that even when controlling for other factors the voting behaviour of Russian single-member district deputies was in fact influenced by constituent preferences.

Abstracts of articles in Issue 8.2

GUEST ARTICLE – A Very Special Parliament: The European Parliament in the Twenty-First Century by Richard Corbett

Voting in the House or Wooing the Voters at Home: Labour MPs and the 2001 General Election Campaign by Ron Johnston, Philip Cowley, Charles Pattie and Mark Stuart

Part of Labour’s strategy for winning a second full term of government at the 2001 general election in the UK involved encouraging its MPs, especially those holding marginal seats, to spend considerable time in their constituencies in the preceding years, contacting voters and promoting the party’s cause. Given the size of its majority in 1997, it was able to afford for many MPs to be absent from divisions in the House of Commons. This article looks at the voting records of Labour MPs who stood for re-election in 2001 during the two preceding parliamentary sessions. It reports that backbench MPs representing marginal constituencies were much more likely to be absent from the House during the last session prior to the election. Those absences were also apparently related to their performance at the election: the more often they absented themselves from parliamentary votes in that session (compared to the previous session) the better their performance at the 2001 election relative to national trends.

Variation in Speaker Power: The Case of the Russian Congress, 1990–93 by Petra Schleiter

The legislative studies literature suggests that speakers may exercise significant power over political outcomes if they can set the agenda of a parliament that lacks a stable majority. This article examines whether speaker power varies once the generic conditions for its exercise exist. This question is central to a better understanding of the decision-making capabilities of a whole class of (often transitional) assemblies, which use speakers to structure their proceedings. The article addresses this question through a case study of the Russian Congress of People’s Deputies that draws on new evidence from the stenographic records and voting data. This evidence suggests that the degree of political fragmentation of a parliament and the number of issues negotiated impact on the ability of speakers to structure the assembly’s business. The implications of this finding for the work of speaker-dominated legislatures are explored.

Women’s Representation in the Scottish Parliament and National Assembly for Wales: Party Dynamics for Achieving Critical Mass by Meg Russell Fiona Mackay and Laura McAllister

The new Scottish Parliament and National Assembly for Wales elected in May 1999 were notable for the high levels of women’s representation amongst their membership. This article examines the decisions taken by the main political parties about candidate selection and specifically the promotion of women candidates, exploring some of the inter and intra party dynamics influencing this result. The most significant changes were achieved in those parties that adopted rigid policies of positive action in favour of women. The decisions to adopt such systems were influenced by party ideology, degree of centralised leadership control and presence of women in positions of power within party elites. The environment in which such measures were considered was also highly influenced by the new electoral system and the presence of women activists in the design of the new institutions, particularly in Scotland. Together, these factors made women’s representation a central feature in party competition.

REPORTS AND RESEARCH NOTES

The Portuguese Parliament and Public Opinion: A Case for Reform? by Cristina Leston-Bandeira

During the past decade, the Portuguese political system has been under close scrutiny. As in other Western democracies, the topic of citizens’ dissatisfaction with democratic institutions has been at the centre of a wide debate amongst public opinion and politicians. This debate has focused on parliament and parliamentary reform has often been seen as a way of enhancing parliament’s image. However, as this note will show, there is no clear evidence that the Portuguese are dissatisfied with this institution. Indeed, this is still an under-researched area. Why is there an assumption that the Portuguese parliament has a negative image? And why should this have consequences for parliamentary reform? In the context of the creation of a Portuguese Election Study, this note aims to raise questions for future research on this topic. The note will look into the concept of legislative support, assess the evidence available on the Portuguese parliament’s popularity and suggest indicators that would help to clarify the Portuguese views on this. It will also explore the connection between legislative support and the role of parliament, to enquire whether popularity indicators can make a case for parliamentary reform.

On Assessing Strength and Weakness in Parliamentary Committee Systems: Some Preliminary Observations on the New Scottish Parliament by David Arter

The article is in three parts. The first highlights some features of the Scottish Parliament and sketches the powers and functions of its committee system. The second presents (but does not test) a series of hypotheses relating to the legislative capacity of the Scottish committees. The third considers the limitations of existing approaches to the analysis of the Scottish committees and suggests a method of analysing strength and weakness in committee systems both in Scotland and elsewhere.

In-kind Election Donations to Labour by Affiliated Trade Unions: Revisiting the Neill Committee Evidence by Steve Ludlam and Andrew Taylor

This research note reconsiders evidence on ‘in-kind’ donations presented to the hearings on party funding conducted by the Committee on Standards in Public Life. The donation reports of the Electoral Commission, established by the Elections, Parties and Referendums Act (2000), suggest that the scale of trade unions’ in-kind donations to Labour general election campaigns was greatly overstated in the hearings.

Abstracts of articles in Issue 8.1

The Northern Ireland Assembly: A New Beginning? by Niall Johnston

Who Participates and Who Is Seen and Not Heard? Evidence From the Honduran Congress by Michelle M. Taylor-Robinson and J. Sky David

One way to examine legislative behaviour when roll-call votes are unavailable is participation in debates. Deputies can publicise problems and modify bills, making the Congress a ‘policy refinery’. Studying the Honduran Congress, we find that the deputy who is most likely to be a frequent participant in debates is a lawyer from a prosperous department of large district magnitude, from the governing party and has served at least one previous term in the Congress. This indicates limitations to who can use the legislature for input to policy-making. Given the design of electoral and party institutions in Honduras it is understandable that a small number of deputies dominate Congress debates.

Increasing Parliamentary Control of the Executive? New Instruments and Emerging Effects by Tom Christensen, Per Lægreid and Paul G. Roness

This article primarily describes and analyses the effects of the revitalised control activities of the Norwegian parliament on the relationship between the legislature and the executive and on the internal workings of the executive. Secondly, it discusses whether these effects are constrained by modern New Public Management-oriented reforms in the civil service and of Norway’s adaptation to the EU. The theoretical frame of reference consists of three perspectives – a hierarchical, a negotiation and a cultural-institutional one. The analysis is based on elite interviews with political and administrative leaders, state company directors and respondents from the Office of the Auditor General. The main conclusion is that the Parliament has got more control over less – a more intense control focus over a narrower sphere.

Political Representation in Spain: An Empirical Analysis of the Perception of Citizens and MPs by Mónica Méndez-Lago and Antonia Martínez

Political representation has been widely studied from a theoretical perspective, but empirical research has been more scarce, mainly due to the lack of suitable data. This article attempts to contribute to this flourishing field with an analysis of the results of a survey that was administered in 1997 both to Spanish MPs and to citizens, which inquired about different aspects of political representation. We concentrate on analysing the way the role of representative is conceived both by citizens and by MPs, as well as the perception of the role of political parties in the process of representation. The final section looks at the levels of satisfaction of citizens and MPs with the way political representation takes place in Spain.

Tories in the Killing Fields? The Fate of Private Members’ Bills in the 1997 Parliament by Holly Marsh and David Marsh

This article examines the Private Members’ Bill process in the 1997–2001 Parliament when two Conservative MPs, Eric Forth and David Maclean, significantly affected Private Members’ legislation. The article reaches a number of conclusions on the basis of a detailed study of the fate of all Private Members’ Bills in the Parliament. First, few Bills introduced under the Private Members’ procedure succeed because the procedure makes it so easy to oppose Bills. Second, most Private Members’ Bills that succeed are minor and technical and often government ‘handout Bills’. Third, it is very unlikely that any controversial legislation will succeed under the present procedure given recent governments’ attitudes to the granting of extra time. Fourth, in studying opposition to Private Members’ Bills one should not focus just on filibustering, as previous studies have tended to do, rather, the ‘object’ procedure is also crucial in preventing the passage of Bills. Fifth, the Government is the key actor in the process; it is particularly active in using the ‘object’ procedure. Sixth, the two Conservative MPs did play an increasingly important role in preventing the passage of Private Members’ legislation during the 1997–2001 Parliament. Seventh, the success rate of Private Members’ Bills is only likely to increase if either the procedural and structural constraints are lifted or the agents involved stop manipulating the procedure to their own ends. Neither of these changes is likely to happen. Government is unlikely to change the procedure because it does not want to cede any control of the legislative process. At the same time, there will always be backbench MPs who use the procedure to oppose, although given their elevation to the Conservative frontbench, Forth and Maclean will not be involved in the near future.

Abstracts of articles in Issue 7.4

GUEST ARTICLE – The Establishment of the National Assembly for Wales by John Lloyd

Governing Without Surviving? An Italian Paradox: Law-Making in Italy, 1987–2001 by Giliberto Capano and Marco Giuliani

Almost 25 years ago, Di Palma portrayed the Italian political system as one in which parties, executives and political élites survived without governing. Much of his interpretation was based upon a careful empirical investigation of the actual functioning of the legislative process. We adopt the same perspective in order to evaluate if, after the major events and institutional transformations which have shattered the Italian political landscape, Di Palma’s original hypothesis still holds at the turn of the century. In spite of the lack of control of the ordinary legislative process exhibited by executives in the last four legislatures (1987–2001), together with a marked systemic instability, the last few years have witnessed the successful introduction of significant reforms in several sectors. Paradoxically, during the 1990s, the major political actors have shown themselves to be more capable of governing than of surviving.

Party Discipline and Universalism: The Case of Budgeting in Berlin by Louise K Davidson-Schmich

Work on the US Congress has found that when partisan differences are strong, legislation tends to be passed by minimum winning coalitions. When partisanship is weak, Congress and its committees often rely on the norm of universalism or ‘giving something to everyone’ to pass legislation. Universalism in legislative voting is expected to lead to bloated or inefficient public spending. This article investigates whether these hypotheses about party discipline and universalism hold true outside the United States. A comparison of fiscal decision-making in local legislatures in eastern Berlin, where newly created political parties are weakly disciplined, and in western Berlin, where established party caucuses are highly disciplined, finds this is indeed the case. The article concludes by raising questions for future research on universalism and other post-communist legislatures.

Party Control in a Committee-Based Legislature? The Case of the European Parliament by Richard Whitaker

Does a strong committee system reduce the ability of political parties to dominate a parliament? This article seeks to answer this question in the case of the European Parliament (EP). Specifically, the article assesses the extent to which party leaders control their committee members in the EP. On the basis of interviews with Members of the European Parliament, the article analyses: (1) the extent to which EP party group leaders control committee assignment and (2) how much influence they have over the direction of committee activities, specifically through group co-ordinators. The results show that national delegation leaderships are increasingly involved in directing the committee assignment process and that group co-ordinators, in some cases, are able to control committee business in the EP.

Do Ideological Preferences Explain Parliamentary Behaviour? Evidence from Great Britain and Canada by Christopher Kam

Are parliamentary parties cohesive because leaders successfully impose discipline on their MPs or because MPs prefer – hence support – the same policies as their leaders do? If the latter is correct, and party cohesion is produced largely by members’ concordant preferences, then models that explain cohesion as a function of the disciplinary mechanisms available to parties once the MP is in Parliament (for example, the distribution of patronage or the threat of de-selection) are not useful. This article uses British and Canadian MPs’ responses to candidate surveys to estimate MPs’ positions on a variety of ideological dimensions and then shows that MPs’ preferences on these ideological dimensions only partially explain how often they vote against their parties. Indeed, even after one controls for an MP’s ideological preferences, party affiliation remains a powerful predictor of the MP’s loyalty or dissent – suggesting that party discipline does, in fact, contribute to cohesion. Additional tests indicate that these results are not spurious.

Explaining Partisanship on Special Rules in the Postreform House by William Hixon and Bryan W Marshall

Informational, distributive and partisan theories offer competing interpretations of the role of restrictive rules in the US House. Empirical tests in this literature focus almost exclusively on the amendment restriction portion of special rules, treating open rules as friendly and restrictive rules as unfriendly to the minority party or chamber as a whole. Oddly, however, there is a significant amount of conflict – partisan conflict in particular – connected with open rules. This suggests that the structuring of amendment possibilities cannot be the only relevant feature of special rules and that an exclusive focus on amendment restrictions might cause analysts to underestimate the importance of partisanship in the rules process. We find that partisan conflict on special rules results not only from the restrictiveness of the rule, but also from specific types of waivers (especially blanket waivers and waivers protecting legislative language in appropriations bills) and other under-studied features of special rules (such as time caps and pre-print requirements).

Abstracts of articles in Issue 7.3

'The Creation of a Devolved Parliament': An Overview of the Processes and Principles Involved in Establishing the Scottish Parliament by Paul Grice

Playing by the Rules: The Constraining Hand of Parliamentary Procedure by Philip Norton

Parliamentary procedure has largely been neglected as a constraint on government. Political developments in the UK and a (constested) scholarly focus on institutions provide the basis for re-evaluating the consequences of procedure in the British Parliament. Procedure in both Houses of Parliament is well established and institutionalised. The capacity of procedural rules to constrain government is illustrated through empirical examples. Rational-choice theory and historical institutionalism are utilised to explain why rules endure, despite government having the political resources to change them. The 'price' of change can be too much for government in terms of time and intellectual resources, in terms of future prices and in terms of legitimacy. Consequently, procedure matters.

Financial Indiscipline in Zambia's Third Republic: The Role of Parliamentary Scrutiny by Peter Burnell

Contrary to the thesis that claims weak legislative power vis-a-vis the executive is essential if economic modernisation and development are to be driven forward in third world countries, Zambia's developmental interests would be served by making the powers of parliamentary oversight of the public finances more effective. The problematic of 'financial indiscipline' in the public sector is analysed in terms of a nest of principal-agent relationships, between legislature and executive, political executive and bureaucratic executive, Ministry of Finance and Economic Development and the spending arms of government. Evidence from the Public Accounts Committee is used to illustrate the case for more enforceable mechanisms whereby government can be made accountable for the public finances. At the same time it is argued that more wide-ranging changes are necessary if there is to be a significant reduction in 'financial indiscipline'.

The Transformation of Legislative Elites: The Cases of Britain and Germany since the 1860s by Heinrich Best, Valerie Cromwell, Christopher Hausmann and Michael Rush

Drawing on databases going back to the middle of the nineteenth century, this article examines how changes in the opportunity structures in political recruitment have influenced the socio-economic backgrounds and career patterns of British and German MPs. Extending opportunity structures enables legislatures to respond to socio-economic changes in society, but there may be a significant time-lag before they are reflected in the legislature. In spite of significant differences in their political history, there has been a convergence of socio-economic backgrounds and career patterns, driven largely by changes in the opportunity structures, which, particularly in the German case, preceded the full impact of changes in political culture. This convengence does not preclude significant differences, but these are principally the product of particular factors, such as party and electoral systems, and changes do not necessarily occur simultaneously, but the tendency towards similar educational and occupational backgrounds and similar career patterns remains.

Inside Rationality: The Divison of Labour in a Parliamentary Party Group by Juri Mykkänen

This article analyses the legislative division of labour as a resource for legislators' attempts to present themselves as rational actors. Here rationality is conceptualised as legislators appear to understand it and particular attention is paid to how they collectively negotiate its boundaries. The study uses ethnographic data from the Finnish parliament, Eduskunta, focussing on activities in one parliamentary party group, the Centre Party of Finland. These data show that the division of labour is an important source for constructing stable legislative organisation. Two specific interpretative rules for making rationality claims are identified, namely reliability and trust, which together make the division of labour meaningful for the Finnish legislators.

Book Reviews

Abstracts of articles in Issue 7.2

Structuring Committee Decision-Making: Rules and Procedures in US State Legislatures by Keith E Hamm, Ronald D Hedlund and Nancy Martorano

The rediscovery of rules and procedures as an important element for understanding legislative decision-making has become very apparent in recent summaries of research on Congress and European Parliaments. Institutional factors are now seen as critical factors that structure and restrict how individual legislators can go about their decision-making responsibilities. The goal of this article is to provide a landscape of the evolution of committee system structure in US state legislatures so that future research will be able to test current theories of institutional change. The major conclusion of this research is that US state legislatures have formalised the structure of their committee systems over the course of the twentieth century and that many similarities and few differences exist in committee system structure between US state legislative upper and lower chambers. Further, this article discovers that four distinct dimensions – property rights, codification of basic structure, internal democracy and minority party rights – of committee system structures exist in US state legislative chambers.

Party Cohesion in the Danish Parliament by Asbjørn Skjæveland

This article formulates a comprehensive and systematic taxonomy of micro level explanations of party cohesion; party cohesion being understood as party group members acting in unity externally. This apparatus is used in an analysis of party cohesion in the final divisions in the Danish Parliament, where cohesion figures are among the highest in the liberal democratic world. The investigation is based on interviews, survey data and data on voting behaviour. The main explanations of the high level of cohesion are the absence of disagreement in the party groups and a moral commitment to the party. Variation among MPs, parties and topics is also documented and discussed. The cohesion of each party and the compliant behaviour of individual MPs are related to the importance MPs ascribe to representing their party. Furthermore, divisions on moral issues, EU integration and local matters show lower than normal degrees of cohesion.

Reconciling Accountability and Fiscal Prudence? A Case Study of the Budgetary Role and Impact of the German Parliament by Joachim Wehner

Based on a case study, this article argues that the goals of accountability and fiscal prudence can be reconciled in the context of the parliamentary budget process. It captures the institutional setting for the budgetary work of the German parliament, in legal, organisational and procedural terms and with regard to its resources. The article then provides an assessment of the budgetary impact of the legislature against the goals of public expenditure management: aggregate fiscal discipline, allocative efficiency, and operational efficiency. The conclusion indicates that some standard arguments cannot explain why the budgetary work of parliament in this case has tended to result in lower deficits and improved public expenditure management. Rather, it is argued, a system that allows for parliament to buy into the overall budgetary aims and policies of the government through a co-operative process facilitates the reconciliation of accountability and fiscal prudence. At the same time, there is scope to refine the public expenditure management model for its application to the comparative study of the budgetary outcomes of legislative behaviour.

New Scottish Parliament, New Scottish Parliamentarians? by Michael Shephard, Neil McGarvey and Michael Cavanagh

This article analyses the social characteristics and career paths of Scottish elected representatives, assessing the extent to which the Members of the Scottish Parliament (MSPs) are different from their Scottish counterparts at Westminster as well as the society at large. Taking the analysis of comparative representation beyond the contemporary focus on gender, this article finds that in certain specific ways the Scottish counterparts at Westminster are actually more representative of the Scottish population. While MSPs are more representative of the female population, traditional ‘politics facilitating’ career paths are less important than they are for Westminster and Scottish MPs are more representative of ethnicity and the working class in Scotland. Findings suggest that if we want a more inclusive style of ‘new politics’ then the parties will have to address the issue of microcosmic representation from a wider perspective than the current focus on gender.

REPORTS AND RESEARCH ARTICLES

The Office of Leader of the Opposition : An Examination of the Whitehall Version in the Commonwealth Caribbean by Hamid Ghany According to section 10 the Ministers of the Crown Act 1937 (1 Edw.8 & 1 Geo.6, c.38), the office of Leader of the Opposition was recognised insofar as it meant ‘that member of the House of Commons who is for the time being the Leader in that House of the party in opposition to His Majesty's Government having the greatest numerical strength in that House.’ The Speaker of the House of Commons would determine who that member of the House of Commons was to be if required. However, when it was time to create independence constitutions for Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago in 1962, the provisions surrounding the appointment of the Leader of the Opposition were modelled on the relevant provisions of the Ministers of the Crown Act 1937, but transferred the responsibility of identifying the Leader of the Opposition from the Speaker to the Governor-General. Both these and later constitutions in the Commonwealth Caribbean have introduced additional criteria to be used by Governor Generals (in the nine monarchies) and Presidents (in the three republics) to determine the holder of the office of Leader of the Opposition as well as the performance of their functions in cases of delinquency or vacancy.

Abstracts of articles in Issue 7.1

Special Issue: Second Chambers

Edited by: Nicholas Baldwin and Donald Shell

The History of Bicameralism by Donald Shell

The ideas which underlie bicameralism may be traced back to the theories developed in ancient Greece and Rome, though recognisable bicameral institutions arose first in medieval Europe where they were associated with separate representation of different estates of the realm. The American Founding Fathers eschewed any notion of separate representation for a social aristocracy, but accepted the prevailing disposition towards bicameralism. However, they then invented a new rationale for bicameralism linked with federalism. In subsequent constitution making, federal states have invariably adopted bicameralism, but the older justification for second chambers as providing opportunities for second thoughts about legislation has survived. A trend towards unicameralism in the twentieth century appears now to have been halted. Growing awareness of the complexity of the notion of representation and the multifunctional nature of modern legislatures may be affording incipient new rationales for second chambers though these do generally remain contested institutions in ways that first chambers are not.

Methods of Composition of Second Chambers by R L Borthwick

Interest in the composition of second chambers has been given a boost by the debates in the United Kingdom about reform of the House of Lords. Despite the fact that the Royal Commission that examined the question paid some attention to other second chambers, there is little indication that practice elsewhere will have much impact on what happens. Other second chambers show a considerable diversity but are generally smaller than their country’s first chamber. Their members tend to have longer legislative terms (where these are fixed) but rarely longer than 5–6 years. The most common basis of representation in second chambers is territorial but a number of others can be found. A majority of members of second chambers are elected, either directly or indirectly, but appointed second chambers are not uncommon.

Composition, Pay and Resources by Michael Rush

Although less information is available on the socio-economic composition of second chambers and the resources available to their members than is the case for first chambers, there is sufficient data to allow useful comparisons to be made. Members of second chambers tend to be older, partly because of widespread minimum age qualifications and partly because of different political career patterns. Women are generally under-represented, but are more numerous where PR systems and some appointment systems facilitate their membership. Socio-economically members of second chambers are overwhelmingly middle class. Most are regarded as full-time and consequently fully salaried, with appropriate pension schemes. They are generally well-resourced. However, the German Bundesrat, the UK House of Lords and the Irish Senate are, to varying degrees, exceptions. Overall, in terms of composition and resources first and second chambers have much in common. The major exception is the House of Lords.

Fundamentals of Institutional Design: The Functions and Powers of Parliamentary Second Chambers by Samuel C Patterson and Anthony Mughan

Well over one-third of the national parliaments in the world are bicameral. The upper houses of these parliaments, alternatively called second chambers or senates, vary in their geographical location, size, membership selection and constitutional context. Moreover, second chambers vary in their intercameral roles and powers, analysed here as ‘symmetrical v. asymmetrical bicameralism’. Finally, the relative power of upper houses is circumscribed differently in federal versus unitary systems, dependent on the powers accorded to executive authority, shaped by the houses’ role in lawmaking, and marked by the strength of the bodies’ internal structure. This analysis offers a preliminary probe into these institutional features.

Responsibilities of the Upper House: Constitutional and Human Rights Safeguards by Meg Russell

Second chambers – even those which are otherwise weak – are often given particular responsibility for protecting the constitution. This responsibility flows naturally from both of the original models of second chambers – as either conservative or federal houses. This study discusses the constitutional and human rights roles of second chambers in seven Western democracies. The chambers selected are intended to represent a spectrum of different models, and a range from effective to ineffective upper houses. The countries considered are Australia, Canada, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy and Spain.

Procedure: A Case Study of the House of Study by Michael Wheeler-Booth

This study first describes briefly the procedure of the Lords in the reign of James I, as 1621 saw the writing down of the then procedures in the first edition of Public Business Standing Orders or ‘Remembrances’. Then jumping briskly forward three and a half centuries to the period 1960–99, current Lords procedures are described in the later twentieth century before the passage of the House of Lords Act 1999 and the exclusion of the majority of hereditary peers by succession. Finally, we examine the procedural problems which the half reformed ‘interim House’ of Lords faces on several fronts.

Dealing with Big Brother: Relations with the First Chamber by Roger Scully

An issue central to an understanding of second chambers – their relationship with the first chamber in a bicameral system – is examined. Drawing on a variety of real-world illustrations, consideration is given to how inter-chamber relations may be shaped by variance in three key factors: the relative powers of the two chambers, the balance of party competition between them, and the degree of party unity prevailing. The inter-relationship between these factors may often be complicated; what is more certain is that inter-cameral relations both reflect and influence wider processes in a political system.

The Territorial Role of the Upper House by Meg Russell

Territorial representation is one of the classic functions of an upper house. Whilst the lower house is elected on a popular basis to represent the nation’s citizens, the upper house may represent regions, provinces or states. Often this representation is of sub-national governments or assemblies, rather than citizens. The origins of the territorial upper house model, and its current day use are examined. Using diverse examples such as the upper houses of Australia, Canada, South Africa, Spain, Germany and Italy, the extent to which these chambers perform a truly territorial function is questioned. The conclusion considers the spread of the territorial model, and how this can best be harnessed to play a useful territorial function in federal or devolved states.

The Politics of Second Chamber Reform : A Case Study of the House of Lords and the Passage of the House of Lords Act 1999 by Michael Cockerell

This case study of the politics of second chamber reform examines the way in which the Labour government set about achieving the removal of hereditary members in the House of Lords Act in 1999. The author had unique access to confidential meetings of Baroness Margaret Jay, Leader of the Lords, and her team during the passage of this legislation. Consequently, the twists and turns of a tale of pure politics are outlined. The result of this extraordinary sequence of behind-the-scenes deals and arguments is an historic compromise whereby some of the hereditary peers still remain as members of the House of Lords. Interviewees include Baroness Jay of Paddington and Lord Richard, former Labour Leader of the Lords, Lord Irvine of Lairg, the Lord Chancellor, and Lords Cranbourne and Strathclyde, the Conservative Leaders at the time.

Bicameralism and Democratisation: The Case of Morocco by James P Ketterer

In the mid-1990s, Morocco shifted from a unicameral to bicameral parliament, thereby highlighting the role of the parliament in the nation’s self-declared democratisation project. While many scholars of Morocco have examined the political process surrounding the constitutional ratification of this new institution, little attention has been paid to the institutional implications of the cameral shift. In legislative studies, there has been a resurgence of interest in bicameralism, but little attention has been paid to bicameralism as it relates to ongoing democratisation processes. Accordingly, this article seeks to fill the void in both Moroccan and legislative studies, focusing on the role that Morocco’s bicameral parliament plays in ending a zero-sum game between the opposition and centre-right forces; creating enough political space for an opposition-led government to take power; strengthening the multi-party system; expanding representation; and reassuring ambivalent parties that the democratisation process will not unduly threaten their interests. All of these elements support Morocco’s incremental democratisation effort and add to our understanding of bicameralism as a component of such an effort.

Legislative Unicameralism: A Global Survey and a Few Case Studies by Louis Massicotte

This wide survey of unicameralism in sovereign countries and within federations finds that unicameralism is to be correlated with the absence of federalism, small populations and size, and not being a stable democracy. Since 1914, unicameralism has been on the rise. The predominance of unicameralism among IPU members today is explained mostly by the accession of scores of former colonies to independence in the 1960s and 1970s, while most countries that were bicameral in 1950 still are. The article discloses, however, that throughout the 1980s and 1990s far more second chambers have been created or restored than abolished, notably because many new democracies have opted for bicameralism. Case studies of democratic countries (New Zealand, Denmark, Sweden) and subnational jurisdictions (Nebraska, Québec and Queensland) that abolished their second chambers are provided. In all these cases, it appears that the move towards unicameralism has not been regretted, in contrast with moves towards unicameralism that occurred in non-democratic countries, which have sometimes been followed by a restoration of the second chamber.

Abstracts of articles in Issue 6.4

The Conference of European Affairs Committees: A Collective Voice for National Parliaments in the European Union by Lord Tordoff

Is the Japanese Diet Consensual? by Mikitaka Masuyama

The institutional design of the Japanese Diet is commonly believed to necessitate interparty accommodation and to make the legislative process more 'viscous' than it appears. This common belief about the Diet is challenged by examining the Constitution, the Diet Law, the House Rules, and parliamentary practices with special attention to agenda setting procedures, and argues that the 'unanimity norm' is less binding than commonly recognised. By applying the criteria proposed by Döring, this paper compares the Diet with western European parliaments, and shows that it ranks relatively high in terms of the ruling majority's ability to control the legislative agenda. Although the post-war Diet is modelled on the legislative process in the US Congress, it is critically important to keep in mind that the constitutional principle of the Diet follows the fusion of power in the British parliament. The picture that emerges from the analysis is in strong contrast to the traditional image of the Japanese Diet and sheds new light on the majoritarian foundation of the Diet.

Turning Over a New Leaf? Cohesion and Discipline in the Italian Parliament by James L Newell

The literature on parties suggests various hypotheses about the conditions under which the cohesion and discipline of parliamentary parties will be greater or lesser. Since one such hypothesis concerns party-system characteristics, Italy offers an opportunity to investigate what happens to cohesion and discipline when a system characterised by the permanence in office of a large, centrally located party and based on the permanent exclusion of left and right extremes, is replaced by one characterised by strong bi-polar tendencies and the alternation in office of two competing coalitions. Italy’s transformation appears to have produced more cohesive and disciplined behaviour in parliament.

Explaining Restraint from Filibustering in the US Senate by David R Jones

While much has been written about the increase in filibustering over the past two decades, there has been very little discussion of the fact that even today, opponents of legislation that could be filibustered often do not exercise this institutional right – even when doing so means the difference between defeat and passage of the measure. This study seeks to explain why legislation opposed by a cloture-preventing minority is not always filibustered. Based on a broader look at the strategic environment facing senators, this study lays out six specific hypotheses. Analysis of data from 1947–98 provides substantial empirical support for most of these hypotheses, demonstrating that the strategic calculations behind the decision to filibuster are complex and multifaceted. In particular, this study finds that for legislation on which opponents have a clear incentive to filibuster, restraint is more likely to occur when the workload is light, when parties are not polarised, when the president favours the measure, when opponents’ cloture-preventing margin is slim, and on minor legislation.

Designating the Official Opposition in a Westminster Parliamentary System by Nelson Michaud

Of all Westminster-type representative assemblies, Canada’s presents an unusually high number of cases where parties rank equal in second place, disputing the role of official opposition, both in the aftermath of an election or during a parliamentary session when party fortunes change. Although exceptional, the phenomenon is not at all uncommon; however, the uncertainty that characterises each of its occurrences indicates that no general rule has ever been drawn from doctrine or jurisprudence, as attested by the latest (1999) decision rendered by Speaker Scott in Nova Scotia. Thus, speculation persists whenever the situation presents itself. This article attempts some rulings based on the distinction of context proper to 12 historical cases studied. It may help remove the uncertainty that plagues democratic systems in Canada as well as in any other Westminster-type legislature around the world.

Political Biography and Autobiography and the Study of Women in Politics in Canada: The Case of Political Ambition by Judith McKenzie

This article examines the concept of women’s political ambition by focusing on electoral politics in Canada. It begins with an overview of some of the key theories associated with political ambition among women and identifies several ways in which previous research indicates that patterns among women legislators may be different from those of their male counterparts. While recognising that there may be some limitations of auto/biographical works as reliable sources of information, the central idea of this article is that political auto/biography of Canadian women legislators may prove to be important resources in furthering our understanding of political ambition among women legislators. As part of this analysis, this research examines 16 auto/biographical works of women who have served in Canada’s federal and provincial legislatures since the Second World War.

Abstracts of articles in Issue 6.2

The Politics of Social Welfare: MPs’ Attitudes and Activities in the 13th Israeli Knesset by Asher Ben-Arieh

This paper reports the findings of a study exploring the attitudes and activities of members of the 13th Israeli Knesset, and seeks possible connections between the two. The study involved extensive interviews with members of the 13th Israeli Knesset (1992–96), as well as drawing on archival and quantitative data of their activities. The paper presents a short overview of the Israeli political system, the 13th Israeli Knesset and its composition. The MKs’ perceptions of social welfare policy, their attitudes towards government involvement in the provision of social welfare services and their activities, both formal and informal, on social welfare issues are described. Finally, possible connections between the MKs’ attitudes and their activities are explored.

The Power of Legislative Hot Air: Informal Rules and the Enlargement Debate in the European Parliament by Stefanie Bailer and Gerald Schneider

Integration theorists disagree over the extent to which the European Parliament can substantially influence policy-making processes in the absence of formal agenda-setting power. This article discusses the impact the European Parliament had on the current enlargement negotiations. Although the legislature does not yet possess the means to alter the stance of the European Council, it has tried to reverse the status quo through the use of its informal bargaining power. We argue based on a principal-agent framework of analysis that the effectiveness of this strategy is largely a consequence of the ability to speak with one voice. The article evaluates various mechanisms to help the European Parliament build a unified position. It refutes socialisation and specialisation theories, showing that party group pressure towards a unified position overrode national concerns and constituted a necessary precondition in the development of an integrationist attitude. A statistical analysis of the pre-bargaining positions inside the Foreign Affairs and Security Committee largely confirms the insights from qualitative interviews with participants and observers.

From a ‘Peasant Parliament’ to a ‘Professional Parliament’?: Change in the Icelandic Althingi by David Arter

The present article seeks to describe and analyse parliamentary change in the Icelandic Althingi, probably one of the least known of the west European legislatures. The first question asked is ‘Has there been a professionalisation of the Icelandic parliament?’ and, secondly, ‘Has there been a professionalisation of Icelandic legislators?’ The article is in three sections. The first gives a very brief overview of the main institutional features of the Althingi before 1991. The second focuses on changes in the legislative capacity of the Althingi, whilst the third explores possible changes in the legislative culture of the assembly. The study draws on three sources: official statistical material and other parliamentary documentation; discussions with senior parliamentary staff; and hour-long interviews with three veteran Atlhingi members boasting a total of 80 years parliamentary experience between them.

Constructing a New Scottish Parliament for the ‘Europe of Regions’: Can Institutional Engineering Assure Subsidiarity? by William M Downs

The creation of an elected parliament in Scotland raises questions for legislative scholars, among them how a parliamentary body representing a stateless nation within a Member State of the European Union can influence and implement European legislation. One version of the ‘principle of subsidiarity’ states that decisions are taken as closely as possible to the citizen, encouraging assemblies throughout the EU to articulate and implement their own preferences in key policy areas. Reporting findings from a survey of the Scottish parliament’s first cohort of legislators, this article identifies conflicting perceptions of subsidiarity, charts how best to pursue it, and evaluates the institutional norms, rules and procedures put in place to help secure it. Data demonstrate that preferences vary by level of MSP knowledge about European policy, by party membership and by method of election. Low levels of legislator knowledge combined with internal divisiveness constitute barriers to institutional strength in the pursuit of subsidiarity.

Reports And Research Articles:

A Social and Political Profile of Canadian Legislators, 1996 by Donley T Studlar, Dianne L Alexander, Joanna E Cohen, Mary Jane Ashley, Roberta G Ferrence and John S Pollard

This research note provides an overview and an update on the social and political backgrounds of all elected Canadian legislators at the federal and provincial/territorial levels of government in 1996. For provincial/territorial legislators data are presented by electoral jurisdiction, and for all legislators by level of government and political party. Relatively few differences in social characteristics were found between the two levels although there were some variations by province, territory and party. Business, education and law are the three most prevalent occupations, although the latter has declined among legislators over time. There is little movement of members from the provincial to the federal level. The most common political experience of both groups lies in municipal governance. Over time women have increased their share of seats at both levels. Even in a polity such as Canada with high rates of legislative turnover at both federal and provincial/territorial levels and with new parties emerging, most changes in social and political experience backgrounds proceed incrementally.

Parliamentary Party Groups and Their Parties: A Comparative Assessment by Ludger Helms

This article presents a comparative study of the interrelationship between parliamentary party groups and their extra-parliamentary party organisations in liberal democracies. Starting with a historical overview of the most important party changes that have taken place since the 1960s, a typology of parliamentary party/party organisation relations is suggested. The following variables are identified as being of particular importance in shaping the structure of power in political parties: position of parliament in the political system; (non-)existence of the incompatibility rule; effects of the electoral system; competition structure and degree of polarisation of the party system; political culture; conditions under which parties emerged; (non-)existence of public funding for parties; degree of professionalisation of the political elite.

Book Reviews

Abstracts of articles in Issue 6.1

Introduction: Delegation and Accountability in European Integration by Torbjörn Bergman

The overall question of this volume is how the EU effects national decision making. We start our search for answers to this question from a principal–agent-based delegation and accountability perspective. In our search for answers, we examine the four basic steps of representative parliamentary democracy: from voters to MPs, from parliament to cabinet, from cabinet to individual ministers and from individual ministers to civil servants. Our main hypothesis is that the transfer of power from the national level to the supranational does not necessarily mean that delegation fails or that accountability is lost. Our empirical analysis examines the five Nordic countries. While Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden share historical, cultural and institutional traits, they also differ from one another in important ways. Of particular relevance for this volume is the fact that three of the five are EU members (Denmark, Finland, Sweden), while two (Iceland and Norway) remain outside the EU but are closely associated with it through the European Economic Area (EEA) agreement. By combining in-depth studies of the five countries with a concluding cross-national contribution, we identify the various ways in which the EU has an impact on domestic principal–agent relationships.

The EU, the EEA, and Domestic Accountability: How Outside Forces Affect Delegation within Member States by Arthur Lupia

This paper clarifies how the EU and the EEA affect delegation and accountability within Member States. Many people presume that the Member States of the EU and the EEA weakened themselves by delegating important powers to these international organisations. Such a presumption need not be true with regard to the matter of domestic accountability. This article argues that the EU and the EEA are ‘outside forces’ that can increase accountability among domestic political actors. To make this argument, the article focuses on what happens to domestic accountability when an outside force shifts domestic reversion points (for example, changes a domestic policy status quo) or affects domestic actors' information (for example, the EU leads a domestic government to be more precise about its issue positions). It is shown in both cases how the presence of outside forces allows domestic actors to make credible commitments and provide collective benefits that would not be possible in the absence of these forces. In sum, a formal model, simple graphs and tables, and a few empirical examples are used to clarify when outside forces do (and do not) affect domestic accountability.

The European Union and Danish Parliamentary Democracy by Erik Damgaard and Asbjørn Sonne Nørgaard

The consequences of Danish EU membership are studied from a national delegation and accountability perspective. Investigating the chain of principal–agent relationships leads to the following conclusions: (1) Voters are highly assertive in EU matters. Voter behaviour in EU-related referenda and European Parliament elections does not strictly follow party recommendations. On the other hand, the EU dimension has little impact on national voting and party allegiances. (2) The EU has not induced changes in the general organisation of parliament–cabinet relations. However, procedural innovations have increased parliamentary control, notably through the European Affairs Committee, over the cabinet in EU matters. (3) The principle of ministerial autonomy prevails in EU affairs. Nonetheless, the Foreign Ministry assumes a co-ordinating role and the prime minister has been strengthened. (4) While ministerial autonomy is also the norm at the civil servant level, a new committee system ensures some inter-ministerial co-ordination and varying degrees of interest organisation participation in the early phases of policy preparation. In general, and in spite of tensions between national political parties and voters, Danish parliamentary democracy has adapted to the EU challenge in a pragmatic and reactive way, observing time-honoured traditions of how to organise and make accountability work.

Building Elite Consensus: Parliamentary Accountability in Finland by Tapio Raunio and Matti Wiberg

Recent developments in the Finnish political system, reinforced or directly caused by EU membership, have in many respects strengthened parliamentary democracy in Finland. One positive spill-over effect of membership is that parliamentary scrutiny has improved. At the same time, however, relative to the parliament (the Eduskunta), the government and ministries have strengthened their position in EU-related policy areas due to superior organisational resources. Another trend is that civil servants are becoming more central actors in policy preparation. Nevertheless, the most important trends are that the efficient ex ante scrutiny by the parliament reduces conflicts and that Finnish European policy-making is characterised by a continuous dialogue between the ministries and the parliament.

Another Link in the Chain: The Effects of EU Membership on Delegation and Accountability in Sweden by Hans Hegeland and Ingvar Mattson

Membership in the EU has affected the national chain of delegation and accountability in Sweden in various ways. The effects in terms of delegation and accountability have varied. Membership need not in every instance weaken domestic accountability. On the one hand, the possibility for the paarliament (Riksdag) to control the government and the bureaucracy has decreased. On the other hand, the Riksdag has gained insight into areas which were previously the privilege of the government, such as foreign affairs, or state agencies, such as the details of agriculture policy and regulation. Nevertheless, the new conditions for accountability due to EU membership present challenges for the principals in the chain of delegation and accountability. In this article, we discuss some of these challenges and identify some problems the principals encounter when trying to overcome these challenges. Among the interesting dilemmas facing the Riksdag, we discuss the trade-off between parliamentary control in advance of government action and the ability to hold government accountable after the fact. The Riksdag, as a principal, must consider whether it should give an open mandate to the government to act in the Council and then call for accountability after Council meetings, or whether to issue a narrower mandate, thereby controlling the goveernment in advance.

Iceland and The European Economic Area (EEA) by Svanur Kristjánsson and Ragnar Kristjánsson

Because of its combination of patronage and a constitution based on parliamentary democracy and semi-presidentialism, the Icelandic political system can perhaps best be characterised as ‘ambiguous’. Together with other trends, such as globalisation in general and a growing European-wide legalism, the European Economic Area (EEA) has already had a strong impact on Icelandic politics. The EEA is largely about delegation without accountability, which means that there has been a significant loss of sovereignty to EU institutions. However, the EEA has also meant a move towards a clearer demarcation of political roles, which has in fact increased the autonomy of the parliament (the Althing) vis-à-vis the cabinet. The separation of roles between cabinet ministers and civil servants has also become more clear-cut. In sum, while the Iceland–EU relationship tends to make national politics more diffuse, the EEA has also made some of the domestic principal–agent relationships more transparent.

Adaptation without EU Membership: Norway and The European Economic Area by Hanne Marthe Narud and Kaare Strøm

Though Norway stands alone as the only country that has twice rejected EU membership in referenda, European integration affects Norwegian politics in increasingly important ways. While the membership battles have been relatively short and intense, the two referenda split the Norwegian electorate roughly evenly and in remarkably similar ways. The EU membership issue has had a more lasting impact on parliamentary and executive coalitions. Since Norway entered into the EEA agreement, European issues have increasingly become a part of the cabinet and parliamentary agenda. Even though both the legislative and the executive branches have undergone institutional change, it appears that Norwegian political institutions have not yet succeeded in facilitating effective national control over decisions within the EEA. Thus, the Norwegian government is facing serious agency problems in its relations with European institutions, though these problems have yet to become a salient issue in domestic Norwegian politics.

Conclusion: The Impact of European Integration on Nordic Parliamentary Democracies by Erik Damgaard

Using a principal–agent perspective to examine possible delegation and accountability problems in the Nordic countries, the articles presented in this volume have revealed a number of similarities and differences with regard to the impact of European integration. In all the Nordic states, the calculation of benefits and costs of EU membership took place via difficult political processes, and the electorates and parliaments in the different states did not all choose the same path. Once the five states had decided on membership in either the EU or the EEA, they subsequently adopted somewhat different solutions to problems of accountability in the principal–agent chain (voters, MPs, cabinets, ministers, civil servants) that arose as a result of membership. These solutions, not necessarily effective in all cases, include variations on common themes: new instruments for parliamentary control of cabinets (that is, European Affairs Committees, specialised permanent committees, information sources); changes in the internal distribution of cabinet powers; the inclusion of civil servants and experts in early stages of the policy-making process. Preliminary evidence suggests that the overriding goal of all governments, largely independent of their partisan composition, has been to create – if possible – national consensus with regard to position taking in the EU/EEA. This is seen as both a method for legitimising decisions and as a way to promote good EU policy outcomes (ones that national democratic procedures define as favourable). In terms of democratic process, the most striking empirical finding presented in this volume is the loss of accountability experienced in EEA member states (Iceland and Norway) relative to that of the three EU Member States.

Abstracts of articles in Issue 5.3&4

Special Issue

The Uneasy Relationships Between Parliamentary Members and Leaders

Edited by: Lawrence D Longley and Reuven Y Hazan

On the Uneasy, Delicate, yet Necessary Relationships between Parliamentary Members and Leaders by Lawrence D Longley and Reuven Y Hazan

In this introductory essay, we catalogue briefly the roles of, first, parliamentary leaders and, following that, those of rank and file members; then consider the tools of influence available both to leaders and to members in their uneasy, delicate, yet absolutely necessary mutual relationships. Following this exploration of the delicate balance between parliamentary members and leaders, we introduce the nine original explorations of various aspects of these uneasy relationships contained in this publication, authored by 12 scholars from seven countries of the world. The relationships between parliamentary members and leaders, we conclude, are the result of behavioural strategies driven by the distinctive preferences of members and leaders and are shaped by the rules and structures of institution and polity.

What can an Individual MP do in German Parliamentary Politics? by Werner J Patzelt

This chapter demonstrates how the role and actions of a German MP are shaped both by institutional features of the overall political system and by rational choices on the part of the deputies. After a discussion of the proper site of parliamentary power (parliamentary party vs. the individual MP), the strategic premises for acting in German parliaments are assessed. These include the effects of working parliamentarism, the partisan role imposed by the electoral system, the effects of political professionalisation and careerism, and the differences between small and large parliamentary parties. Finally, popular misconceptions of a parliamentarian’s proper role are discussed.

The Individual Member in the British House of Commons: Facing Both Ways and Marching Forward by Philip Norton

The British MP has a constituency face and a Westminster face. The constituency face has become more demanding in recent decades but is essentially, though not wholly, non-threatening to party leaders. The Westminster face has become more complex, with the intra-party and non-party modes of executive–legislative relationships becoming more prominent in the twentieth century. The modes have become institutionalised through the development of party structures and departmental select committees in the House of Commons. These changes have taken place as MPs have sought to achieve some autonomy in parliamentary behaviour as a response to externally induced constraints on that behaviour. The capacity to influence party leaders has increased but is under challenge as a consequence of organisational and electoral changes in the 1990s.

From Committee Government to Party Government: Changing Opportunities for Amendment Sponsors in the US House of Representatives, 1945–98 by John E Owens

In many important respects the United States congress is the terrain par excellence for the individual legislator. The research reported here focuses on how and why individual legislators participate and how their participation and effectiveness is affected by legislative organisation. Through longitudinal analyses of patterns of amending activity on the floor of the US House of Representatives since 1945, the article examines the extent to which individual House members’ proclivity to sponsor a floor amendment was influenced by a decline in legislative norms in the 1970s and/or legislators’ perceived political interests and the size and salience of the legislative agenda. The provisional results reported here show that both norms and interest affected participation. Evidence of an apprenticeship norm which then declined in the 1970s is weak. Although the data point to a slightly increasing trend towards less specialisation and weaker committee deference, consistent with the declining norms thesis, the evidence of a norms effect is weak. The second part of the article examines patterns of amending success to test informational and partisan theories of legislative organisation. Consistent with informational theory, the results show that before the mid-1970s, amendment sponsors on reporting committees enjoyed significant advantages on the House floor. Since the 1980s, however, consistent with partisan theory, amendments sponsored by majority party members (especially those sponsored by majority contingents on reporting committees) have been increasingly successful.

The Individual Parliamentary Member and Institutional Change: The Changing Role of the New Zealand Member of Parliament by Fiona Barker and Stephen Levine

This article looks at the opportunities for parliamentarians in New Zealand to exercise significant influence over the policy and legislative processes in the light of reforms made to both the electoral system and parliamentary rules. New Zealand’s new electoral system, known as ‘Mixed Member Proportional’ (MMP), was introduced following the results of referendums held in 1992 and 1993. The new system, introduced for the first time at the 1996 general election, provides voters with two votes, one for an electoral representative (chosen by plurality) and the other for a party list. Seats in New Zealand’s unicameral parliament (which was at the same time enlarged from 99 to 120 members) are allocated according to the proportion of the party list vote, provided that parties win either one electorate seat or gain at least five per cent of the party list vote. Although the 1996 elections achieved some of the goals of MMP – increased representation for smaller parties and greater representation of women and ethnic minorities – it has so far failed to achieve broader policy and process-related objectives. In particular, the power of the executive, vested in Cabinet, has not been appreciably weakened, nor has there been a significant increase in the influence of individual Members of Parliament or parliamentary committees in the policy process. Significant public dissatisfaction with the most obvious results of MMP – New Zealand’s first coalition government in over 50 years and the performance of some of the first-time Members of Parliament – suggests that New Zealand’s experiments with its electoral and legislative system are far from over.

Parliamentary Members and Leaders as Agents of Reform: Parliamentary and Regime Change Revisited by Lawrence D Longley and Taylor M Hoffman

In this study, we restate, reassess and extend the approach and findings of a research essay of 1996 which explored the scholarly literature dealing with the role and dynamics of parliaments as institutions that undergo change within themselves and that support and enhance change in the larger regime, and consider the roles of parliamentary members and leaders in this process. One central theory of scholarship dealing with parliamentary change, that of legislative institutionalisation, is again examined and found wanting as an explanation of change in mature parliamentary institutions. In brief analyses of five instances of parliamentary change, it is shown that parliaments can change in a wide variety of contexts and conditions Ð including such well-established legislatures as the United States Congress after over 200 years of evolution. A substantial case study, ‘The Institution and The Freshmen’, interprets two instances of change in the US House of Representatives resulting from generational change and leadership initiative and traces resulting patterns of institutional and member adaptability and consistency. As in the 1996 study, we conclude that there is no ‘end of history’ in parliamentary change, only the possibility of sometimes startling change from what has gone before, as well as more subtle legislative continuities. The examination of various instances of parliamentary change also supports the thesis that parliamentary institutional change, and regime change enhanced by parliamentary change, are inexorably linked. To modify Bagehot, parliaments are indeed great and open councils of considerable men and women placed in the middle of a society, and their actions do indeed alter that society. Democratic parliaments are not mere institutions for the playing out of advantage and power on the part of parliamentarians. They are also crucially important institutions linking citizens to their larger polity, to their regime. To the extent that they are vibrant entities, adapting and changing in accord with the wishes of those governed, they are also a source of vitality and energy in their nation and facilitators of its constructive adjustment to changing need.

The Office of Speaker in Comparative Perspective by Stanley Bach

Just as almost every nation claims to have a national assembly, every national assembly has a speaker or other permanent presiding officer. Notwithstanding some similarities in the powers of speakers, there are striking differences in the character of this office when viewed from a comparative perspective. These differences can have important implications for the distribution of power within the assembly, and for the capacity of the majority power or coalition to control the assembly's agenda and dominate its proceedings. This essay identifies several dimensions of the office, draws two sharply contrasting conceptions of the role of speaker, and then compares the offices of speaker in the British House of Commons and the US House of Representatives with each other and with the same offices in other democratic assemblies. The essay concludes by discussing the implications of its analysis for new assemblies in which speakers are often tempted to mix their political interests with their institutional responsibilities, especially in their conduct of plenary sessions.

The Keys To Togetherness: Coalition Agreements In Parliamentary Democracies by Kaare Strøm and Wolfgang C Müller

In European parliamentary democracies most government coalitions are based on coalition agreements, which are generally designed to prevent defection among the coalition parties. Our analysis of 13 European democracies shows that these coalition agreements exhibit a great deal of variation in timing, contents, and the degree of coalition discipline they impose on their parties. Coalition governments face complex and severe bargaining problems, which can be analysed with the help of transaction cost analysis. We use this theoretical framework to generate expectations of what sorts of agreements and governance institutions will be chosen under what conditions.

Dilemmas and Opportunities of Legislative Leadership in a Non-Parliamentary System – the US Case by Barbara Sinclair

This article argues that the problems, dilemmas, and opportunities of legislative leaders in the US system stem from the limited scope of what elections decide, on the one hand, and from the fluidity of the context in which and the openness of the process by which decisions are made, on the other. Congressional agenda setting and majority building are analysed to substantiate and illustrate these generalisations. It emphasises the ways in which the character of the political context in recent years has both exacerbated the dilemmas and amplified the opportunities.

Yes, Institutions Matter: The Impact of Institutional Reform on Parliamentary Members and Leaders in Israel by Reuven Y Hazan

This study assesses the impact of institutionally induced incentives that legislators face under different circumstances. The focus of this study is on an external institution that moulds the internal makeup of the legislature and influences the relationship between parliamentary members and leaders, that is, the electoral system, both inter- and intra-party. More specifically, can a reform of the electoral system, aimed at targets unassociated with the roles of parliamentary members and leaders, have an impact on their relationship? How pervasive can this impact be? The empirical evidence in this study focuses on the case of Israel, where in the early 1990s, several significant electoral reforms were enacted that had a dramatic impact on the dynamics of Israeli politics in general, and on the relationship of parliamentary members and leaders in particular. These simultaneous reforms also drastically reshaped the interaction between the executive and the legislative branches, between the legislators and the voters, and between the parties and the voters.

Book Reviews

Index to Volume 5

Abstracts of articles in Issue 5.2

The Role of the European Parliament: Interview with Ken Collins MEP by Rüdiger Wurzel

Parliamentary Influence in a New Democracy: The Spanish Congress by Lynn M Maurer

This study, based on elite interviews and quantitative data, examines the public policy-making influence of the Spanish Congress since the formation of its new democracy (1979–96). Three of the factors considered in this study are derived from previous comparative legislative studies: (1) the size of or absence of majority representation of the government party in the legislative body; (2) the degree of party unity and party discipline; and (3) the existence of a specialised committee system. In new democracies, we must also take into account the malleable circumstances of the new regime. In Spain, the following also appear to have an impact on parliamentary influence, especially: (1) the special requirements of the process of democratic consolidation; (2) the nature of legislation; (3) the formal rules affecting parliament; (4) the impact of membership in the European Union; and (5) Spain's asymmetric federal structure.

The Role of the Portuguese Parliament Based on a Case Study: The Discussion of the Budget, 1983–95 by Cristina Leston-Bandeira

Barely studied, the Portuguese parliament is a young institution which has undergone numerous and deep changes in its first 20 years of democratic existence. This article looks into those changes during a fundamental period of Portuguese political life: from 1983 to 1995, after the so-called transition to democracy, in the years that Portugal became a member of the European Union and in the period that saw the occurrence (and repetition) of an absolute majority. To understand the changes in parliament’s role, a case study has been chosen: the consideration of the budget bill. This article is based on three main aspects: procedural rules, debate styles and votes. The analysis of the budget discussions shows how the Portuguese parliament has undergone a strong rationalisation process, as well as a change in the role of parliamentarians; from a loss of decisional power, the parliamentarians found new ways of exercising influence in Portuguese politics. The votes on the budget bill and its amendments are an excellent indicator of the role of parliament in policy making, showing a very strong institution in the years preceding the absolute majority. Simultaneously, the votes are also revealing of the determinant position, during the IVth legislature, of the short-lived Renewal Democratic Party (PRD). Finally, this article looks at data showing the existence of stronger links between Portuguese MPs and their constituencies than is generally expected.

MPs and Electoral Redistribution Controversies in Canada, 1993–96 by Munroe Eagles and R Kenneth Carty

The political careers of members of the Canadian House of Commons are filled with uncertainties and are comparatively short. One of the sources of political uncertainty is that which results from the periodic readjustment of electoral boundaries. The constituency boundary readjustment process following the 1991 census led to a particularly acrimonious conflict. This paper analyses MPs' reactions to both the process and the ridings established by the boundary commissioners. Two main data sets are employed: a survey of English Canada backbench MPs to inquire into MPs’ attitudes about electoral redistribution, and the record of MPs appearing before the Commons sub-committee charged with hearing objections to the electoral map in the autumn of 1995. The two different analyses both point to a conclusion that MPs' self-interest, rather than principle or constituency characteristics, appears to determine MPs' satisfaction with the process and their propensity to take action by objecting to the proposed boundaries during the House committee stage of hearings.

Animal Protection and Legislators in Britain and the United States by Robert Garner

This article considers the reaction of legislators to the emergence of animal protection as a political issue. A quantitative analysis of legislative behaviour in the House of Commons and the House of Representatives in the late 1980s and early 1990s reveals (mainly through the identification of a small but significant group of legislators willing to promote concern for animal welfare) that the growing societal concern for animals has permeated into the political institutions of Britain and the United States. Examining the characteristics of these legislators suggests, moreover, that the most significant variable is party label, with concern for animals being associated with parties of the centre-left. It is further suggested that there are good reasons to suppose that this association is no accident and that ideologically, there is a fit between animal protection and the ideals of the left.

Research Notes: Legislative Term Limits in the United States by Alan Grant

From 1990 to 1995 almost half of the American states adopted term limits for their congressional representatives and state legislatures. Although the US Supreme Court declared these laws unconstitutional as far as federal legislators are concerned, many states are proceeding to implement term limits for their own legislatures. This article examines the historical background to rotation in office, the political and constitutional issues involved, the term limits movement and its evolving strategies, congressional action on a proposed constitutional amendment and the impact on state legislatures. It concludes that the relative decline of the term limits movement since 1995 can be explained by a number of factors, including factionalism among its supporters and improving economic conditions in the country, but that it has made its own distinctive mark on American politics and its effects will be felt over the coming years.

Book Reviews

Abstracts of articles in Issue 5.1

Guest Article: Parliamentary Scrutiny of Defence by Bruce George MP and J David Morgan

Departmental select committees in the House of Commons have a great potential to enhance scrutiny within the British political system. This article, by the Chair of the House of Commons Defence Committee and his Research Associate considers recent developments in the House of Commons Defence Committee and outlines some proposals for further reform.

Representation in Westminster in the 1990s: The Ghost of Edmund Burke by David Judge

Why are 'trustee' notions of representation still invoked in the UK House of Commons in the 1990s? In answering this question this article analyses the premises of Burkean theory and the arguments that these premises are of little relevance in the late twentieth century. Despite these dismissals of trusteeship, Burkean ideas are still articulated in the Commons some 200 years after they were first voiced. The idea of trusteeship can prove extremely useful to justify the actions of representatives when those actions conflict with constituency 'opinion', party policy or the wishes of interest groups. Examples of the occasions when Burkean notions have been invoked in the 1990s are provided.

Immobility, Stability and Ineffectiveness: Assessing the Impact of Direct Election of the Israeli Prime Minister by Emanuele Ottolenghi

The Israeli parliamentary system has recently undergone radical structural changes due to the introduction of direct election of the Prime Minister. This paper sets out, first, to describe briefly the reform as a consequence of particular political developments of the Israeli system. Then a definition will be suggested within the framework of the on-going theoretical debate about the classification of the system, either as a new form of government or as a peculiar form of parliamentary government. Finally, the actual performance of the new system will be evaluated and it will be argued that it can be described according to three criteria: immobility, stability and ineffectiveness.

The Evolution of the Power of Dissolution: The Ambiguity of Codifying Westminster Conventions in the Commonwealth Caribbean by Hamid A Ghany

This article traces the development of the Westminster convention of the prime ministerial power of dissolution. It examines developments in constitutional provision, in Britain primarily, and also through the independence constitutions of a wide range of Commonwealth countries. The essential issue is the power of the executive to dismiss the legislature. British conventions have emerged in such a manner that those drafting these independence constitutions seem to have responded to two major views on the issue of dissolution: (1) the monarch always dissolves parliament at the request of the prime minister; (2) the prime minister seeks a dissolution from the monarch and the monarch decides if it is in the best interests of the country to dissolve parliament and may refuse the prime minister. Is the Westminster model clear or not on this subject, or were draftsmen guided by Westminster variants in preparing independence constitutions for Commonwealth Caribbean countries?

Accountability and Quasi-Government: The Role of Parliamentary Questions by Michael Cole

While much concern has been expressed about the accountability of quasi-government there has been little empirical research on the subject. Similarly, the literature lacks a through assessment of the contribution of parliamentary questions to holding governmental institutions accountable. In this paper part of this gap in the literature is closed by measuring the extent to which a wide range of executive non-departmental public bodies (ENDPBs) are held accountable by the use of questions tabled in the House of Commons. Questions asked to ministers in the Foreign Office and the Department for Education and Employment about ENDPBs they sponsor are assessed. A similar exercise is conducted on the agencies in these two departments and the results compared. In general, the partisan political atmosphere of the Commons, the apathy of many MPs, the size of the ENDPB sector and the rules governing questions mean that their contribution to the accountability of these bodies is relatively small. In particular, many specialist and technical bodies receive almost no scrutiny.

Regulating the Transboundary Movement of Hazardous Waste in Europe: A Legislative Study by Diane Ryland

Among the regulatory measures intended to control the transboundary movement of waste is the Decision of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development concerning the Control of Transboundary Movements of Waste destined for Recovery Operations, 1992, and it is this regulation, in particular, that this work intends to treat. In this context, the European Parliament's attempts to counteract the weight of economic argument in favour of the conflicting interests of human health and the environment will be examined. Despite international and European Community regulation, it is submitted that double standards in law and practice are continually applied to the transboundary movements of hazardous waste. Emphasis will be placed on both the international and European dilemma of defining hazardous waste.

The Legal Constitution: United Kingdom Parliament and European Court of Justice by Danny Nicol

Membership of the EC has transformed the legal status of the UK parliament. Prior to British accession, Acts of Parliament were the supreme law of the land, unchallengeable in any court. This paper argues that EC membership raised the courts Ð national as well as European Ð above parliament and that at the time of accession parliamentarians were almost wholly unaware of this fundamental change. The author links MPs' ignorance to the highly political, rather than legal, nature of the British constitution and traces the evolution of their constitutional understandings. Identifying a new dynamic interplay between British judiciary and parliament, the study argues that the creeping hegemony of law within constitutional politicss merits continuing analysis by legislative scholars.

Book Reviews

Abstracts of articles in Issue 4.4

Special Issue

Parliaments in Asia

Edited by: Philip Norton, The Lord Norton of Louth, University of Hull and Nizam Ahmed, University of Chittagong

Legislatures in Asia: Exploring Diversity by Philip Norton and Nizam Ahmed

Legislatures are pervasive, resilient and have consequences for their political systems. Legislatures in Asia have been relatively neglected in the literature. We identify two working hypotheses – that the external environment will determine the basic relationship of the legislature to the executive (what type of legislature it is) and that internal characteristics will determine how strong or weak it is within the particular category – and the principal variables that allow us to analyse and compare legislatures and test the hypotheses. The purpose of the study is to provide both rich description of particular legislatures and to further understanding of legislatures as a particular species of institution.

The Decline of India’s Parliament by Arthur G Rubinoff

After first examining the country’s political system in the context of its diverse culture, this article analyses the 50-year evolution of the Indian Parliament. Indias founders saw parliament as an institution that would provide social and political unity. They adopted a first-past-the-post electoral system which enabled the Congress Party to dominate legislative politics for three decades. The overlapping nature of the ruling party and the government caused parliament to serve primarily as a public forum for the ventilation of grievances rather than a law-making body. Ironically, its role was greatest under the charismatic Jawaharlal Nehru. His successors have shown disdain for the institution as a check on the executive. The fragmentation that followed the decline of the Congress has not rejuvenated the country’s legislature. While parliament has become more representative, it has declined in status and effectiveness. Subject-based standing committees have been created in an attempt to revitalise the institution. While it continues to be a ‘reactive legislature’, parliament’s role in India’s political system is more marginal than it was in the country’s early years.

In Search of Institutionalisation: Parliament in Bangladesh by Nizam Ahmed

This paper examines the scope and nature of the working of the parliament in Bangladesh. It specifically analyses the implications of the various changes made in parliamentary procedures and practices in the 1990s, identifying, for example, the extent to which these have helped the parliament to affect policy outcome and to become an effective scrutineer of government policies and activities. The evidence shows that although it still remains a marginal legislature, the parliament in recent years has nevertheless become more active and visible, at least compared with its predecessors. The changes made in parliamentary procedures have the potential to make it (parliament) a better policy influencer and scrutineer of government actions. There are, however, several structural and political constraints – external variables – that are likely to discourage any radical redefinition of parliament–executive relations, at least in the short term; these may also make the process of achieving the institutionalisation of parliament difficult.

The National Assembly of the Republic of Korea by Chan Wook Park

In the authoritarian era, the Korean National Assembly was a fairly weak form of marginal legislature. In the early years of democratic development, the legislature became a weak form of vulnerable legislature. Presently, however, it is a fairly strong form of marginal legislature. The constitution authorises the legislature to check the executive branch. Elections have become increasingly free and fair. Interest group pluralism steadily deepens. Nevertheless, the National Assembly operates in an environment where political culture is not conducive to compromise politics and the bureaucracy is not quite responsive to the legislature. Political parties are not responsible, nor is the party system stable. Looking inside the legislature, there exists a serious gap between its formality and actual workings. Formal rules, the committee system and staff service are reasonably well arranged. Yet they do not function effectively. Legislative members are potentially competent, but in actuality inexperienced in their legislative work.

The Diet in Japan by Akira Miyoshi

Under the medium-sized constituency system the Liberal Democrats (LDP) had emerged as the dominant party commanding majorities in both Houses of the Diet since 1955 and had governed the country for 38 years. While Cabinet measures dominate the legislative process, the reactive Diet has revealed its viscosity in law making and budget scrutiny, in which the opposition parties found the means to exert their influence on the policy process. The non-ministerial members of the LDP also found their chance of power by participating in the ‘governing party scrutiny’ of the Cabinet measures informally institutionalised prior to the formal decision by the Cabinet. On the other hand, the LDP plutocracy invited the 1994 political reforms, in which the first-past-the-post system juxtaposed with proportional representation was introduced in the elections to the House of Representatives. In the wake of the reform, a number of signs have emerged indicating that the Diet is moving towards more transformative roles in the policy process.

China’s National People’s Congress: Institutional Transformation in the Process of Regime Transition (1978–98) by Ming Xia

During the past two decades, the Chinese National People’s Congress (NPC) has expanded its functions and power. This has been reflected in the changing images of the NPC depicted by numerous parliamentary scholars. To take advantage of the changes in the political environment, the NPC adopted a network strategy to pursue the goal of legislative development. The environmental factors and the strategy taken explain why the NPC has structured itself as a hierarchy but has maintained a more collegial relationship with sub-national people’s congresses, and why its interactive pattern with other political actors is characterised by a mixture of harmony and friction. The pattern of ‘mohe’ (co-operation through friction) explains why the world’s largest legislature has been able to strengthen its position and power in the process of economic development without alienating other political institutions, and presents a peculiar strategy of political development differing from liberal pluralism and hierarchical authoritarianism.

Parliament in Mongolia by Alan Sanders

After 70 years as a one-party state with a Soviet-style legislature, Mongolia held its first ever multi-party elections in 1990. The country's fourth constitution adopted in 1992 provides for a single-chamber assembly, the Great Khural, with 76 members elected for a four-year term. The new constitution opened the way for legislative and market reform, but the general elections in 1992 were won by the ex-communist Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP) and the reform drive slackened. In the 1996 elections the Democratic Alliance (DA) won 50 seats and the reform drive was restarted, but after a mid-term cabinet change in April 1998 the DA lost the initiative. Amidst MPRP boycotts of the Great Khural and protracted tussles over interpretation of the constitutional roles of the government and president, the second DA cabinet was defeated on a vote of confidence in July and four months later the issues were still unresolved.

The Journey from an Oligarchy to a Parliamentary Democracy: A Case Study of Parliament in Nepal by Surya P Subedi

Nepal was one of the first few developing states to embrace a democratic system of government in the aftermath of the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the Cold War. The new constitution of Nepal firmly places the parliament at the heart of governance. The constitution represents a smooth transition from the old Panchayat system to a new democratic system. However, in spite of the experience of eight years of democracy and all the constitutional provisions designed to make the parliament a powerful institution, the parliament in Nepal has remained a weak institution. This is partly due to the subservient character of the parliamentarians to party lines and to the leadership of the political party having a majority in the lower house and partly due to the socio-economic conditions of the country. It is the executive which has thus far dominated the parliament and policy-making process; the legislative body has remained the weakest of the three organs of the state in terms of its influence in policy making. Nevertheless, the momentum for the consolidation of democracy in the country is as strong as ever and the country as a whole appears to be a forward looking country. The hope is that the parliament will live up to its constitutional expectations in the years to come by playing a key role in the process of democratisation and modernisation of the country.

Conclusion: Making Sense of Diversity by Philip Norton and Nizam Ahmed

The countries of Asia have been caught in the third wave of democratisation and legislatures have been central to the development. However, diversity remains a feature of legislative development in the continent. Taking the capacity of legislatures to affect policy outcomes as the dependent variable, we find that the political culture and external patrons are independent variables; the other variables under investigation emerge as intervening variables. The form that a legislature takes is determined by the external environment. However, institutionalisation can reinforce the form that a legislature takes and institutionalisation has been, at least partially, a feature of Asian parliaments.

Index to Volume 4

Abstracts of articles in Issue 4.3

Guest Article: What Shall We Do with the Crown Prerogative? by David Gladstone

Representational Roles and Proportional Representation in New Zealand by James W Lamare

This paper examines representational role expectations, perceived role realities, and voting in the 1993 referendum that changed the electoral system to proportional representation in New Zealand. The data analysed come from a survey administered to a representative national sample of New Zealanders and the extant universe of party leaders. The average citizen prefers that his or her representatives serve as delegates in parliament, while party leaders are more splintered in their role expectations. Most New Zealanders, both leaders and citizens, think their MPs do not behave in accordance with these role expectations. By and large, respondents perceive that MPs are more receptive to the elitist organisations in political parties than they ought to be. Frustrations stemming from representational role discrepancies affected voting in the 1993 referendum. Voters who wanted their MPs to be more responsive to mass-based sentiment preferred proportional representation, perhaps envisaged as a means to bridge the gap between citizen preferences and leadership behaviour that has recently emerged in New Zealand.

Winning the War but Losing the Peace: The British House of Commons during the Second World War by Philip Norton

This article considers competing hypotheses – the marginalisation and the constraining hand theses - about the relationship of the House of Commons to government during the Second World War and the consequences of that relationship for the House of Commons in peacetime. The evidence supports the constraining hand hypothesis, with the situation created by war generating a House of Commons with more influence over the executive than is generally conceded. However, the consequence of that experience was to deter the House of Commons from undertaking significant, and arguably necessary, institutional reform in peacetime.

Role Orientations of Junior British MPs: A Test of Searing's Categories with Emphasis on Constituency Activities by David M Wood and Jong-Bin Yoon

Based on interviews with 45 junior British MPs in 1995, a factor analysis is used to test the staying power of the role categories found by Donald Searing in his study Westminster's World, based on 1972–73 interviews. Searing's categories Policy Advocate and Ministerial Aspirant are clearly identified by the factor pattern, as are two sub-types of his Constituency Member: Welfare Officer and Local Promoter. Two additional factors emerged, indicating orientation of some MPs toward Local Media and Local Party. Regression analysis testing behavioural consequences of the role types (identified as independent variables based on factor scores) produced more mixed results than Searing's original tests, including the unexpected finding that MPs who find the Local Party helpful spend more time in their constituencies and in their surgeries with constituents than do Welfare Officers.

Candidate Gender and Voting in the 1997 British General Election: Did Labour Quotas Matter? by Donley T Studlar and Ian McAllister

The proportion of women MPs elected in the 1997 British general election reached an historic high of 18.2 per cent, the vast majority from the victorious Labour Party. The large increase in the proportion of women Labour MPs was partly due to the policy of establishing women-only shortlists for winnable seats. This paper examines the distribution of women candidates in the election and analyses the factors that affected the votes they attracted. The results show that Labour women selected on the women-only shortlists attracted significantly more votes than women nominated on open shortlists. This was mainly a consequence of their selection for marginal seats, but the greater organisational effort that was concentrated on those seats was also an important factor. Overall, there was no evidence that voters discriminated against women candidates in the election, regardless of party and regardless of how they were selected. The large number of women MPs raises issues concerning the formulation and articulation of a distinctive women's policy agenda at Westminster.

MEPs and the Building of a 'Parliamentary Europe' by Roger M Scully

The European Parliament (EP) has become significantly more important in the last ten to 15 years. Little attention has thus far been paid, however, to one crucial element in this story: the consistent support of the majority of EP members (MEPs) for a strategy of parliamentary assertiveness. This note investigates the factors influencing MEPs' behaviour in a series of key parliamentary divisions, where issues concerning the assertiveness of the parliament were at question. Contrary to much speculation, more experienced MEPs do not appear to become socialised into more hard-line attitudes. Rather, factors relating to members' partisan status and nationality are the major determinants of support for enhancing the status of the EP. The findings are argued to suggest important implications for both the EP and the European Union as a whole.

Research Article: European Democracy, Parliamentary Decline and the 'Democratic Deficit' of the European Union by Dimitris N Chryssochoou, Stelios Stavridis and Michael J Tsinisizelis

This article examines two different, yet interrelated, phenomena: parliamentary decline in western Europe and the 'democratic deficit' of the European Union (EU). It argues that the latter has helped to consolidate, and in certain areas, facilitate, the former. This is illustrated by two sets of empirical studies, covering first the European Community (and in particular the Common Agricultural Policy and Economic and Monetary Union) and then the Common Foreign and Security Policy, and co-operation in Justice and Home Affairs. The main conclusion to be drawn is that a simple reordering of some policies within and across different pillars will not remedy the current democratic shortfalls of the EU which stem as much from the inadequacy of existing parliamentary structures to hold EU decision makers to account, as from the absence of a European