West European Politics

Abstracts of articles in Issue 26.3

The European Union as a Consociation? A Methodological Assessment by Olivier Costa and Paul Magnette

The Many Faces of EU Committee Governance by Morten Egeberg, Günther F. Schaefer and Jarle Trondal

Rethinking Corporatism and Consensus: The Dilemmas of German Social Protection Reform by Mark I. Vail

This article explores the competing influences of institutional legacies and political negotiation in recent German social protection reform. Long a paragon of consensus and gradual political change, the German political economy has adjusted poorly to the pressures of fiscal austerity and structural unemployment, creating pressures for an increasingly salient role for the federal government. The article provides a detailed analysis of recent German social policy and labour-market reforms, arguing that existing literature is poorly equipped to account for this emerging policy making paradigm. It also suggests that, while the German case illustrates the importance of institutional factors in shaping reform trajectories in advanced industrial democracies, careful attention must also be paid to élites’ capacity for negotiating policy outcomes within these parameters.

Cinderella and Her Ugly Sisters: The Mainstream and Extreme Right in Europe’s Bipolarising Party Systems by Tim Bale

The rise and mainstreaming of Europe’s Green parties has not only enlarged the left bloc in many party systems but helped to drive a trend toward bipolar competition. This article argues that the rise and mainstreaming of far right parties has done the same for the other side and reinforced the trend. This change in the political opportunity structure was not simply seized upon but in part engineered by a centre-right willing to rely on former pariahs for legislative majorities. By adopting some of the far right’s themes, it legitimised them and increased both their salience and the seats it brought into an expanded right bloc. Once in office, the centre-right has demonstrated its commitment to getting tough on immigration, crime and welfare abuse, not least to distract from a somewhat surprising turn toward market liberalism. The analysis concludes by asking what this means for both bipolar blocs in the longer term.

Success in Opposition – Failure in Government: Explaining the Performance of Right-Wing Populist Parties in Public Office by Reinhard Heinisch

Competency and Bureaucracy: Diffusion, Application and Appropriate Response? by Martin Lodge and Christopher Hood

From the ‘Rainbow Coalition’ Back Down to ‘Red Earth’? The 2003 Finnish General Election by David Arter

The night of 16 March 2003 witnessed one of the most exciting elections in Finland for years. For once, the result was not cut and dried within an hour of the polling stations closing – an election vigil in name only – and even as the clock approached midnight it was not absolutely clear which party had won the greatest number of Eduskunta seats. What was evident was that the leading opposition Centre party, headed by a woman, had two MPs elected for the capital Helsinki for the first time in its history. The largest governing party, the Social Democrats, led by Prime Minister Paavo Lipponen, had claimed its first gains in power since 1983. The Greens and the Christian Democrats had achieved their best ever parliamentary election results. Turnout, too, rose for the first time since the 1980s, due in no small measure to the huge support for a professional boxer and weightlifter who, standing as an independent, polled the highest individual tally of all the candidates in Helsinki except the prime minister. The three larger parties – the Social Democrats, Centre and Greens – all nominated (German-style) ‘prime minister candidates’ and a highly personalised campaign saw the media focus on the ‘big three’. Yet, ironically, with only just over 6,000 votes separating the two front-runners, the Centre and Social Democrats, it was not at all clear at the end of a dramatic night who the next Finnish prime minister would be. The days of the ‘rainbow coalition’ seemed numbered. But would Finland return to the historic ‘red earth’ combination of Social Democrats and Centre that had dominated governments for half a century up to the late 1980s?

Abstracts of articles in Issue 26.2

Comparing Federal Institutions: Power and Representation in Six Federations by Lori Thorlakson

The study of comparative federalism is often hampered by the diverse range of federal institutional arrangements in practice, as well as the ambiguity surrounding the concept of federalism. This article identifies three main conceptual approaches to federalism – sociological, constitutional, and governmental – then proposes a revised governmental approach that takes account of the institutional effects of federalism, for application in comparative politics research. Minimally defined, all federations are products of institutional rules that create separate territorial spheres of authority. This article compares Canada, the United States, Australia, Austria, Germany and Switzerland along two key institutional dimensions that structure politics in the federal state: resource allocation, and the representation of constituent units in federal-level decision-making.

Otto Kirchheimer and the Catch-all Party by André Krouwel

Otto Kirchheimer’s conception of the catch-all party was part of his more comprehensive theory of party transformation, encompassing four interrelated political processes. By tracing the development of the catch-all thesis and placing it within the wider context of Kirchheimer’s complete work, it is possible to reconstruct a more precise understanding of what Kirchheimer meant by the catch-all concept, which itself remains highly contested. Kirchheimer’s anxiety about modern democracy originated with what he saw as the vanishing of principled opposition within parliament and society, and the reduction of politics to the mere management of the state. This leads to collusion of political parties and the state, severing of the societal links of party organisations, and erosion of the classic separation of powers. Vanishing opposition, cartelisation and professionalisation of politics pits citizens against a powerful state, which increases political cynicism and apathy. Kirchheimer’s comprehensive approach remains relevant to much of the contemporary debate about the transformation of Western political systems.

Never a Dull Moment: Pim Fortuyn and the Dutch Parliamentary Election of 2002 by Joop J.M. Van Holsteyn and Galen Irwin

The 2002 parliamentary election in the Netherlands will always be associated with the name of Pim Fortuyn. His murder only nine days before the election was the first political assassination in the Netherlands in more than 300 years. The sudden success of the new party he had founded, coupled with the major losses for the Labour and Liberal parties, made this an historic election. This article attempts to understand the motivations of the voters at this election, in particular the voters of the List Pim Fortuyn (LPF). It is first shown that the conventional wisdom, which assumes voting based on religion and social class, and voting along ideological issue lines, has lost its ability to explain voter behaviour in the Netherlands. An explanation based on retrospective economic voting is also rejected. The success of the LPF is accounted for by the popularity of Fortuyn and his appeal among those who had cynical attitudes towards government or who were dissatisfied with the performance of the incumbent government. The popularity of Fortuyn is shown to have been related to political issues, in particular those relating to asylum seekers and the integration of foreigners in the country.

Estimating Party Positions or Party Direction? An Analysis of Party Manifesto Data by Riccardo Pelizzo

The use of the party manifesto data (PMD) to identify parties’ position in the political space provides a rather distorted picture of the Italian party system. Three possible explanations for this are explored, namely that the Italian party system is exceptional, that there are flaws in the data and there might be flaws in the methodology. The article argues that none of these explanations is fully satisfactory and advances the hypothesis that the PMD left–right scores do not indicate parties’ positions but instead indicate parties’ direction, that is how (and how much) parties move to adjust to changing political conditions and to remain competitive. Statistical analyses, performed to test the validity of the directional interpretation of the left–right scores, support this new interpretation.

The Transformation of the Greek Party System Since 1951 by Takis S. Pappas

This study is about party-system change in modern Greece and has two chief aims. First, it seeks to make sense of and explain the evolution of that country’s party system from its early post-war years until today. Far from being ‘frozen’, the Greek party system has displayed continuous transformations from a system featuring significant party fragmentation into another characterised by the high concentration of its political forces. Second, the paper proposes a classification of the changes that took place during the development of the Greek party system. This classification will yield three distinct types of party system which developed in consecutive order, namely, a predominant-party system (from 1952 to 1963), a system of polarised pluralism (between 1963 and 1981), and a two-party system (since 1981).

Explaining Miracles: Third Ways and Work and Welfare by Hans Keman

The Self-Destruction of a Right-Wing Populist Party? The Austrian Parliamentary Election of 2002 by Kurt Richard Luther

The catalyst for Austria’s premature general election on 24 November 2002 was the spectacular implosion of Jörg Haider’s right-wing populist Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ). That in turn was in large measure a consequence of the circumstances surrounding the genesis and performance of the outgoing government. This article will thus first summarise those circumstances before highlighting the direct causes for the government’s early collapse. Thereafter, it will consider the 2002 election campaign, the results of the election and the options available to the actors in the as yet incomplete process of forming Austria’s next government.

The Devil They Know: The German Federal Election of 2002 by Peter Pulzer

The German Bundestag election of 1998, the fourteenth since the foundation of the Federal Republic, was the first in which electors clearly expressed a preference for a change of government. Out went a coalition of Christian Democrats (CDU) and Free Democrats (FDP), which Helmut Kohl had led for 16 years, in came a coalition of Social Democrats (SPD) and Greens under the SPD’s chancellor candidate, Gerhard Schröder. It was the first German government since 1920 to contain no right-of-centre parties and the first in which the Greens participated at the national, as opposed to the Land level. One of the questions at the approach to the 2002 election, therefore, was whether the habit of voting for peaceful alternation had now established itself as part of the German political culture, in place of the older convention that democracy involved the re-election of the incumbent. The question could also be put slightly differently: did 1998 see the realigning election that some had perceived it to be at the time, or was it primarily a rejection of Helmut Kohl, an interlude before the CDU reasserted itself as the natural party of government? The 2002 outcome, narrow as it was, with RedÐGreen 1.2 per cent ahead of a possible CDU–FDP combination and a lead of 11 seats, was by no means a foregone conclusion. The fortunes of the two major and the various minor parties had fluctuated quite widely in the course of the electoral cycle, in response both to the initiatives of government and opposition and to their reactions to external events. These fluctuations, which left the answer to the long-term meaning of the 1998 outcome open, can be divided into four phases.

‘The Swedish Model is Dead! Long Live the Swedish Model!’ The 2002 Riksdag Election by John T.S. Madeley

Having seen their counterparts in Norway and Denmark ignominiously ejected from office during the previous 12 months, Sweden’s Social Democrats seemed to turn a European non-socialist tide in the September 2002 Riksdag election. In France, Italy, the Netherlands and Portugal social democratic parties had also recently lost office, so the Swedish party’s success in increasing their support by some 3.5 per cent and retaining office was especially striking and gave new hope to the German Social Democrats, who only a week later were able to emulate them to the extent of retaining office. In the case of the Swedish party this result confirmed them, according to one commentator, as simply ‘the most successful political party in the world’, having governed for 61 of the past 70 years, ‘a record without equal among democratic societies’.

Fianna Fáil Still Dominant in the Coalition Era: The Irish General Election of 2002 by Paul Mitchell

Abstracts of articles in Issue 26.1

Special Issue: Church and State in Contemporary Europe: The Chimera of Neutrality

Edited by John T.S. Madeley and Zsolt Enyedi

Prelims & Editorial:

European Liberal Democracy and the Principle of State Religious Neutrality by John T.S. Madeley

Over the last 30 years political philosophers of a liberal persuasion have developed a doctrine which mandates the neutrality of the state in matters of religion, yet nowhere in Europe have its requirements been fully realised in practice. In a majority of the approximately 50 cases, the state is committed either de jure or de facto to the support of religious organisations and their aims. In some cases the justification takes the form of a commitment to a positive, or equal treatment, version of neutrality, while in others inherited patterns of discrimination have simply not been addressed. At a time of increasing religious pluralism everywhere, associated with both immigration and the development of new religious movements, state religious non-neutrality is more and more experienced as problematic.

A Framework for the Comparative Analysis of Church–State Relations in Europe by John T.S. Madeley

Stein Rokkan’s sequential model of state-, nation-, and cleavage-formation in Western Europe provides a useful starting-point for developing a framework for the comparative analysis of church–state relations in Europe as a whole. Such an exercise necessitates extending his conceptual map spatially so as to include Eastern Europe and temporally so as to take account of a ‘critical juncture’ long pre-dating the Reformation, namely, the division between Latin and Eastern Orthodox Christianity almost 1,000 years ago. An examination of current data on religious adherence reveals the continued existence of three historic mono-confessional blocs (Orthodox, Catholic and Lutheran) with two intervening multi-confessional belts of territory. In each of these it is hypothesized that quite distinctive patterns of church–state relations will be found as the different confessional traditions have reacted to the challenges and opportunities of both monopoly and minority settings.

Church–State Separation Swedish-style by Göran Gustafsson

A more than 40-year-long process came to an end when relations between the Church of Sweden and the state were formally changed in the year 2000. Social Democrats and Liberals had taken the initiative in the 1950s. Several proposals for disestablishment were put forward in the 1970s, but none of them achieved political consensus. In addition, the representatives for all the political parties on the elected parochial church councils opposed every change, whereas the clergy often took a more positive view. Only in the 1990s did the political and the ecclesiastical systems finally agree a settlement that gave the Church of Sweden a greater degree of liberty. Even so, a Law for the Church of Sweden still defines the framework for the structures and work of the church.

The Illusion of State Neutrality in a Secularising Ireland by Bill Kissane

Ireland is frequently cited as a case of church–state separation and state religious neutrality, but an examination of the 1937 constitution, and efforts to amend it, indicates that the Irish state has never been neutral when it comes to religion. On the other hand, if neutrality can be construed as the state regulating the affairs of different religious communities in an even-handed way, recent trends suggest that the Irish state is moving towards a position of ‘religious neutrality’, even if this falls far short of what liberals would demand. Indeed neutrality as practised in the Irish context precludes any separation of church and state and actually reinforces the position of the Catholic Church. As such there seems to be a weak relationship between the wider process of secularisation and Irish state policy.

Catholicism and Democratic Consolidation in Spain and Poland by John Anderson

During the ‘third wave’ of democratisation, Catholic churches often played a key role in undermining the old authoritarian regimes. In the subsequent process of consolidation, however, these same organisations have often struggled to find a role. This article explores how the Spanish and Polish Catholic churches coped with the political changes following democratisation, focusing in particular on two issues. Firstly, their pursuit of constitutional and legal recognition in the new order and secondly, their interventions in the political arena and the difficulties they faced in lobbying whilst avoiding the charge of seeking privilege.

Orthodoxy and Nationalism in the Greek Case by George Th. Mavrogordatos

The superiority and precedence of religion as a primordial line of national demarcation deserves a far more central place in theories of nationalism. This is demonstrated by the Greek case, which also illustrates the evolution of the Eastern Orthodox Church over the centuries, from ecumenism to nationalism. Both as a state church and as a national church, the Orthodox Church of Greece has a lot in common with Protestant state churches, and even with Catholicism in some countries. Like Ireland or Israel, however, the Greek case indicates that, as long as a particular religion continues to be identified with an ‘endangered’ nation, change in the direction of pluralism is even less probable than separation between church and state. Among Christian denominations, what may indeed be specific to Orthodoxy is a traumatic and defensive historical consciousness reaching into a far more distant past, but also fuelled by current insecurity.

The Italian State: No Longer Catholic, No Longer Christian by Mark Donovan

Church–state relations in Italy have concerned the role of the Catholic Church in the failure of successive regimes to consolidate themselves and a triangular relationship involving the Christian Democrat (DC) party between 1943 and 1994. Despite a historic ambivalence about Christian Democracy, the church supported the party not least because of its concern about the challenge of the Communist Party. By the 1970s, the church was engaged in redefining its position vis-à-vis the state, leading to the renegotiation of the 1929 concordat in 1984. The demise of the DC in 1994 finally broke the myth of Catholic political unity.

The Catholic Church and Civil Society: Democratic Options in the Post-Communist Czech Republic by Joan O’Mahony

In 1989, religious organisations in Czechoslovakia were liberated from 40 years of oppressive control under the Communist regime. Contrary to expectations, however, a decade of Czech democracy has failed to see the emergence of a stable relationship between the state and the Catholic Church. The cultural legacies of Communism, in particular a historic anti-Catholicism, are commonly held to be the causal factors. A different argument is developed here, namely, that opposing preferences for democracy, pursued within the structural consequences of the ‘transition’, have a greater impact on the present situation.

The Contested Politics of Positive Neutrality in Hungary by Zsolt Enyedi

States treat churches differently even where legal frameworks stipulate neutrality. Next to demographic and historic factors, the differences between the statuses of the churches can best be explained by the dynamics of contemporary politics. The article shows that differences between the Hungarian churches in terms of their level of privilege are related to their interactions with political actors and to their own political actions. Hungarian churches are deeply politicised: they are deeply affected by political conflict and often become players in the political field. Although they are granted privileges by the state in return for the legitimacy they provide, the space for the provision of religious legitimacy is, itself, largely created by the politicians.

The Policy Impact of Church–State Relations: Family Policy and Abortion in Britain, France, and Germany by Michael Minkenberg

This study tests the proposition that patterns of church–state relations have an impact on public policy outputs by examining family policy and abortion regimes in Britain, France, and Germany. Between them, these three large countries exemplify the three main types of church–state relations, as identified in conventional accounts. The study concludes that the different patterns of church–state relations thus identified provide only a limited match with policy outputs while other, more developed typologies improve the match, particularly when other cultural and political variables are factored in. The dynamics of influence are found to differ as between contexts where churches operate as public institutions (as in Britain and Germany) and where (as in the French case) they operate as interest groups.

Conclusion: Emerging Issues in the Study of Church–State Relations by Zsolt Enyedi

A survey of the foregoing contributions suggests eight areas of investigation into church–state relations in Europe which remain ripe for further research. This conclusion lists and attempts to outline them in a way which does justice to the complexity of the structures and dynamics concerned as they continue to evolve particularly but not exclusively in those societies which are still currently undergoing processed of transition to full liberal democracy. It links them to some of the wider concerns which have occupied the attention of political scientists in recent years.

Abstracts of articles in Issue 25.4

Prelims & Editorial:

From Conflict to Co-ordination: Economic Governance and Political Innovation in Ireland by Niamh Hardiman

This article examines the transition in Ireland over the last 15 years from a relatively unco-ordinated approach to pay determination to a co-ordinated approach linking pay policy into the broader context of national economic governance. The new political model of ‘social partnership’ was central to the remarkable experience of growth, employment expansion, and rising living standards in Ireland during the 1990s. This very success brought new challenges to the strategy of politically mediated pay pacts. The prospects for the sustainability of these new networks of economic governance are examined.

A Dual Transformation of the German Welfare State? by Martin Seeleib-Kaiser

Contrary to the notion of a political blockade making comprehensive reform impossible, this article argues that we have, in fact, witnessed a dual transformation of the German welfare state during the past 25 years. Increasingly, the state reduces its commitment to securing the living standard of former wage earners, which had been the key normative principle of the German welfare state in the post-war era. At the same time, the state is expanding its role in providing public support and services for families. This dual transformation has been caused by the emergence of new interpretative patterns among the political élite.

The Politics of Universalisation: Establishing National Health Services in Southern Europe by Ana M. Guillén

Italy, Portugal, Greece and Spain have enacted reform laws during the last 20 years with the intention of turning their health insurance systems into national health services. Universalisation of access to public health care was at the centre of the political debates which led to the passing of the reform laws. This article analyses the policy-making processes that allowed for such institutional change, as well as achievements and shortcomings of the implementation processes that followed. The analysis draws on the insights of the actor-centred neo-institutionalist approach in the policy sciences.

Reforming the Spanish Senate: Mission Impossible? by Elisa Roller

Attempts in recent years to reform the Spanish Senate have proven futile. Using an institutionalist approach, this article highlights some of the weaknesses of the Spanish Senate in terms of its constitutional design and institutional development. The article explains how attempts at reforming political institutions are influenced by the historical context in which the institution was originally designed and the political context in which it has subsequently developed. The debate over Senate reform is analysed by examining the Senate’s institutional setting and its relationships to broader political settings such as the legacy of the transition to democracy, political party discourse, and a competitive culture in Spain’s system of intergovernmental relations.

The Politics of ‘Eurocratic’ Structure and the New European Agencies by R. Daniel Keleman

The establishment of agencies at the European level is one of the most notable recent developments in EU regulatory policy. This article examines how politics has shaped the design of EU regulatory agencies. Building on the American politics literature on delegation, the article explains how principal-agent concerns and political compromise have influenced agency design in the EU context; shows how conflicts between the EU’s primary legislative actors – the Council and the Parliament – and its primary executive actor – the Commission – have influenced the design of new bureaucratic agencies; and discusses how the growing power of the European Parliament as a political principal has changed the politics of agency design.

Economic Actors’ Political Activity in ‘Overlap Issues’: Privatisation and EU State Aid Control by Raj S. Chari and Francesco Cavatorta

This article considers the political activity of economic actors in what we refer to as ‘overlap issues’. The cases examined here are the domestic level privatisation policy-making processes in Spain, France and Ireland, and the subsequent European Commission decisions on state aids given during the sales. Although the influence of economic actors is crucial in understanding the domestic-level privatisation aid negotiations, such actors’ participation is absent in the supranational decision-making process. In order to explain this limited political activity of firms at the EU level, attention is focused on both the role of the member states and the paradoxes in EU policies that simultaneously guide and constrain the Commission from making a decision against capital.

Europeanisation of a Non-EU Country: The Case of Swiss Immigration Policy by Alex Fischer, Sarah Nicolet and Pascal Sciarini

Although studies of the influence of Europeanisation on domestic politics and institutions are numerous, a consistent and systematic analytical framework is still lacking. This article tries to overcome this weakness and presents a comprehensive framework that examines the conditions under which Europeanisation is likely to lead to national adaptation. We identify three main independent variables, including domestic power configurations, mediating domestic institutions, and actors’ strategies. This model is applied to the agreement on the free movement of persons between Switzerland and the European Union. Our results suggest that it is not the number of veto points as such that matters most, but the strength of the actors that activate them or threaten to do so, and the counter-strategies available to actors favouring change.

Enlargement, Institution-Building and the EU’s Administrative Capacity Requirement by Antoneta Dimitrova

Does the EU governance of the Central and Eastern European candidate states unleash a process of Europeanisation? It is argued here that the current enlargement has generated its own mode of governance, characterised by asymmetry and conditionality. Enlargement governance has recently focused on developing administrative capacity or ‘institution-building’, defined as the creation of institutions necessary for the adoption and implementation of the acquis communautaire. This article examines horizontal administrative reform and attempts to define the conditions determining the success or failure of the EU’s efforts in institution-building. The absence of common EU rules and norms, and the variation of domestic preferences about administrative reform, lead to varying degrees of success in administrative institution-building.

A Nationless State? Malta, National Identity and the EU by Godfrey Baldacchino

This article discusses the relationship of Malta with the European Union in the light of Malta’s status as an example of a ‘nationless state’. The article first develops the relevance of this under-researched concept by locating it within the discussion of post-colonial, small island nationalism. It then provides a historical critique of the emergence of the Maltese nationless state and of its various integrationist attempts with France, Italy, Britain and, most recently, the EU. Finally, the article explores the possible dialectics of an emerging nationalism with an entrenched two-party political system and its totalising discourse.

ELECTION REPORT – The French Elections of 2002: After the Earthquake, the Deluge by Arnauld Miguet

ELECTION REPORT – The Portuguese 2002 Legislative Elections by André Freire and Marina Costa Lobo

REVIEW ARTICLE – Democratic Consolidation: Between Institutional Engineering and International Support by Gianfranco Pasquino

Abstracts of articles in Issue 25.3

Globalisation and Social Class by John H. Goldthorpe

‘Grand’ theories of globalisation those that treat globalisation as a social and cultural as well as an economic process regularly feature claims that fundamental changes are involved in the nature of class inequalities in modern (or ‘post-modern’) societies, in the form of the class structure itself, and in the relationship between class and politics. The theoretical and empirical bases of such claims are critically examined and are found to be inadequate. Some wider implications of the critique are brought out both for globalisation theorists’ notions of ‘epochal change’ and for their views of the kind of social science that the ‘global age’ requires.

The Europeanisation of Green Parties: Exploring the EU’s Impact by Elizabeth Bomberg

The use of the concept ‘Europeanisation’ has burgeoned, though its link with party adaptation and change is still under-explored. This article concedes the difficulties, outlined recently by Peter Mair and others, of linking Europeanisation and party change. However, it suggests that a more modest but systematic examination of the EU’s impact on one party family (European Green parties) reveals both empirical and conceptual insights. Examining the Europeanisation of Green parties across several dimensions (party ideology, institutions and transnational activities) this article argues that Europeanisation has accelerated the mellowing of Green ideology and ‘professionalisation’ of Green party politics.

Between Globalism and Localism, Italian Style by Livianna S. Tossutti

Survey and historical evidence reveal that Italians have emerged as the European masters of multiple loyalties, balancing relatively weak levels of state nationalism with strong affinities for sub-state, continental and global identities and institutions. These distinctive patterns can be traced to elite opinion leadership, the perceived material and psychological benefits derived from the European movement, and the legacy of the First Republic’s party system.

‘A New Century of Corporatism?’ Corporatism in Spain and Portugal by Sebastián Royo

This article analyses the resurgence of national-level social bargaining in Portugal and Spain. It argues that this development was the result of the reorientation of the strategies of the social actors. In a new economic and political context, marked by a process of institutional learning and the increasing autonomy by unions from political parties, trade unions have supported social bargaining as a defensive strategy to retake the initiative and influence policy outcomes. The incentives leading governments and employers to agree to new social pacts reflect their failure to control wages in a relatively fragmented and decentralised wage setting. Finally, co-operation among the social actors has been helped by the emergence of state institutions for tripartite macroeconomic and social bargaining.

Farm Conflict in France and the Europeanisation of Agricultural Policy by Christilla Roederer-Rynning

This article investigates farm conflict in France from 1958 to the present in relation to the dynamics of Europeanisation. The framework emphasises how institutions shape farm conflict by mediating market forces, structuring the political opportunities of contending groups and shaping their world views. The analysis investigates the relationship between institutional politics and contentious politics at three junctures of the development of the CAP: its formation (1958–69), consolidation (1970–87), and reform (1988 to present). The findings suggest that European institutions have played a significant role in the production and transformation of farm conflict in France.

Proportional Representation and the Fortunes of Right-Wing Extremist Parties by Elisabeth L. Carter

This article examines the relationship between electoral systems and extremist political parties. Focusing on the West European parties of the extreme right, it first investigates the extent to which district magnitude and electoral formula – the two main dimensions of electoral systems – influence the scores of these parties. It then considers the overall impact of the disproportionality of the electoral system. The article concludes that whilst proportional electoral systems do undeniably make it easier for extremist parties to gain legislative representation, there is absolutely no evidence to suggest that they promote extremism. Instead, the share of the vote going to extremist parties appears unrelated to the type of electoral system employed.

New Labour in Britain: New Democratic Centralism? by Eric Shaw

This article uses a case study – the introduction in 1997 of new policy machinery – to analyse competing claims about the nature of the Labour Party’s organisational transformation. It aims to demonstrate that whilst the new policy process was presented as a move towards greater democracy, both its general design and its modes of operation rendered inevitable the production of a general election manifesto in 2001 (the culmination of the process) whose contents coincided very closely to the leadership’s tastes. The article then seeks to account for the form Labour’s transformation took, drawing on the work of Michels and Lipset and his colleagues.

The Political Consequences of Electoral Laws: The German System at Fifty by Giovanni Capoccia

The electoral system has often been considered an important determinant of the political stability that the Federal Republic of Germany has enjoyed in the half-century of its existence, so that it has been often indicated as a ‘model’ for electoral reforms in other democracies. The analysis of the political impact of the German electoral system after 1949 shows that such impact was different in the different phases of evolution of the party system. In the 1950s, the German party system was characterised by a higher level of fractionalisation, which the electoral system contributed progressively to reduce. That phase was followed by 30 years of concentration and defractionalisation of the vote. In the last decade, the post-reunification party system presents again higher electoral fractionalisation, which the electoral system has partially reduced in the vote-seats translation. In the current political contingency it is doubtful, however, that the electoral system by itself can contain fragmentation on a durable basis.

REVIEW ARTICLE – European Immigration Politics by Maarten Vink

Abstracts of articles in Issue 25.2

Introduction: Diversity and Adaptation in the Enlarged European Union by Jan Zielonka and Peter Mair

It is now taken as given that the European Union will be a much more diversified entity following its planned eastward enlargement. But precisely how much diversity will there be, and what are its implications? These questions are addressed in this article, as well as in the broader collection of essays which it introduces. By introducing a broad range of empirical evidence, we seek to challenge many of the theoretical assumptions about the scope, form and meaning of diversity in the process of European integration, and especially in the context of the forthcoming eastward enlargement. In fact, the map of unity and diversity in the enlarged EU proves to be extremely complex, and does not simply correspond to the old East–West divide. We also suggest that much of this diversity should be seen as welcome rather than as threatening for the Union, and that the enlargement process constitutes an important factor generating adaptation and accommodation.

Eastward Enlargement of the European Union and the Identity of Europe by Dieter Fuchs and Hans-Dieter Klingemann

The constitution of a European demos with a collective identity is one of the preconditions for adjusting the legitimacy problem of the European Union (EU). The analysis attempts to clarify empirically whether there is sufficient commonality regarding Europeans’ political value orientations to substantiate a collective identity. Particularly in view of the European Union’s eastward enlargement, the question arises whether widespread cultural heterogeneity in Europe allows the formation of a European demos at all. In Europe we can identify a West–East axis of political value orientations. Democratic attitudes decrease the further to the East while at the same time there is an increase in etatist orientations. Thresholds can be observed which distinguish Western European countries on the one hand and Central and Eastern European countries on the other. Within the group of Central and Eastern Europe a further distinction can be made between the three Slavic republics of the former Soviet Union and the rest of the countries. These findings support Huntington’s theory of civilisations.

Culture and National Identity: ‘The East’ and European Integration by David D Laitin

Relying on data from language use, religion and exposure to popular culture, this contribution evaluates the extent to which there is a cultural divide separating member states of the EU from Eastern European applicant states. To address this issue, the study makes three claims. First, despite the vibrancy of national cultures within Europe, there is an emergent cultural configuration that unites the continent. Second, the applicant states are very much part of this European cultural zone. In fact, with the cultural characteristics of the original six members of the EC held up as the European model, the applicant states are closer on several dimensions than are the later entrants into the EC. Third, there are greater incentives for individuals in the applicant states to co-ordinate culturally with the European configuration than for individuals living in the heart of Europe. The conclusion therefore is that there is no evidence of a cultural divide that would justify holding back membership of Eastern European states into the EU.

Discomforts of Victory: Democracy, Liberal Values and Nationalism in Post-Communist Europe by Vladimir Tismaneanu

This article tries to identify the main threats to post-communist liberal democracies, especially those perils related to the weakness of pluralist traditions, institutions, and values and the rise of movements and ideologies rooted in cultural and political malaise, ressentiment, and disaffection. Nine such perils are identified in the second half of the article, including Leninist legacies, salvationist popular sentiments, the rhetoric of reactionary nostalgia, the fluidity of political formations, the crisis of values, authority, and accountability, and the tensions between individualistic and communitarian values. The concern here is with a diagnosis of the main vulnerabilities of Eastern Europe’s post-communist states in order to evaluate prospects for further democratic consolidation and risks for the rise and affirmation of ethnocratic parties and movements. Understanding the post-communist political and cultural situation, including persistent isolationist, anti-globalisation, populist and nationalist trends, is of critical importance for interpreting the main directions these countries will pursue in their efforts to join the European Union institutions.

Making Institutions in Central and Eastern Europe, and the Impact of Europe by Darina Malovà and Tim Haughton

The end of communism in Central and Eastern Europe offered the region a unique opportunity for institutional redesign. Thanks to the variety of historical experiences, inherited structures, transition paths and deal sweeteners during the round-table talks, post-communist Europe initially witnessed much institutional diversity. Throughout the course of the past decade, however, there has been a notable convergence of institutional designs across the region. The process of convergence has been, in part, a response to domestic political concerns, but the demands of the European Union have also played a role. This article plots the course of institutional development in the region, outlining some of the major cases of institutional redesign and highlighting both the positive and negative impact of ‘Europe’ on the process.

Making Markets and Eastern Enlargement: Diverging Convergence? by Laszlo Bruszt

This study deals with the extent and content of ‘Europeanisation’ in the Central and East European (CEE) countries at the level of market making. It argues that Europeanisation at the level of market making was about creating states with strong capacities to preserve and regulate markets and with increased and reconstructed administrative and planning capabilities. The most successful CEE countries with their strong states and weak social and economic actors converged towards a moving target, that is, towards EU countries in the process of supranational market making with dramatically different constellation of powers among key economic actors. The paper discusses the specifics of national level market making in the CEE countries, the factors of divergence within the region, and the ‘diverging convergence’ between the CEE and the EU countries.

Health not Wealth: Enlarging the EMU by Daniel Gros

Economic health not wealth should be the decisive criterion when considering the prospects of the Central and East European (CEE) candidates for EU membership and the capacity of the EU to enlarge. Viewed this way the outlook is promising. The CEE countries are still very poor, compared to most of the existing EU members, but they are also much more dynamic. Growth rates are generally expected to remain around 4–5 per cent in CEE for the foreseeable future, compared to about 2–3 per cent for the EU. This still implies that full catch-up in terms of GDP per capita will take decades, rather than years, but full catch-up is not the relevant criterion if one is concerned about enlargement. Experience in the EU has shown that problems are much more likely to arise from established rich member countries with stagnant economies (Belgium in the 1980s and Germany today) than poor, but more dynamic states (such as Portugal and Ireland today). The fact that most of the so-called ‘periphery’ is now growing more strongly than the ‘core’ confirms that EU integration benefits poorer countries even more.

The Welfare State in Transition Economies and Accession to the EU by Hans-Jürgen Wagener

Welfare state reform in East-Central Europe can be divided into two phases: in the first phase, when liberalisation, stabilisation and privatisation were of primary importance, only minor or absolutely necessary reform steps were taken. This soon led many countries into fiscal problems that triggered the second phase of substantial pension and health system reforms. Having been already part of the European welfare state tradition in the pre-communist period, the countries of East-Central Europe were not prepared to take over the essentially private three pillar model of the World Bank. Instead the forerunners of reform, such as Hungary, Poland and Latvia, are developing, together with some incumbent EU members, a new European four pillar model with a specific public–private mix. Even if the social acquis communautaire is not very restrictive for the candidate states, they seem keen to join the European welfare state culture.

Approaching the EU and Reaching the US? Rival Narratives on Transforming Welfare Regimes in East-Central Europe by János Mátyás Kovács

Post-communist welfare regimes are frequently portrayed as a hybrid consisting of the relics of communist social policy and a neophyte imitation of the US model of welfare. Both components of that hybrid are regarded as incompatible with the ‘European social model’. At the same time, most welfare reformers in East-Central Europe try to avoid falling into the trap of first, conserving the statist, inefficient and pseudo-egalitarian character of the old system of social policy; second, seeking new forms of welfare collectivism along the national-conservative/populist ‘third roads’ between capitalism and communism; third, triggering popular discontent by dismantling the old welfare regimes too rapidly, or in a haphazard way; and fourth, targeting an end-state which has become unsustainable in the Western world during the past two decades. Meanwhile, the emerging welfare regimes in the region are far from being identical and the reformers do not find stable institutional arrangements in the West to copy. In an effort to make sense of this complex picture, the paper examines what has ‘really’ happened in the welfare sectors in the region during the past decade by presenting three dominant narratives of the social transformation: ‘leaping in the dark’, ‘marking time’ and ‘muddling through’.

Abstracts of articles in Issue 25.1

Theory and Practice of Delegation to Non-Majoritarian Institutions by Mark Thatcher and Alec Stone Sweet

The article summarises the analytical frameworks, questions, and empirical findings of the volume. It defines the key concepts used. It then sets out the principal-agent framework that explains delegation to NMIs through functional logics for principals. It sets out alternative explainations based on sociological and historical institutionalism. Thereafter, it relates the empirical findings of the volume to these wider debates about delegation. It argues that although functional demands for delegation can almost always be identified, purely functional accounts of delegation to NMIs are inadequate. Explaining the decision to delegate and the institutional forms of that delegation involves including and specifying interests, policy learning/institutional isomorphism and institutional inheritances. Delegation has also had major consequences on the distribution of power, policy making processes and substantive policy choices, both through its direct effects, and via feedback effects. Finally, delegation has raised questions about the legitimacy and accountability of NMIs.

Delegation to Supranational Institutions: Why, How, and with What Consequences? by Jonas Tallberg

Why, how, and with what consequences do national governments delegate political authority to supranational institutions? Contrary to the static conceptions of delegation that dominate the existing literature, this article adopts a dynamic approach, where the stages of the delegation process are integrated into a coherent rational institutionalist framework. With demonstrations from the case of the European Union, the article argues that: (1) the expected consequences of delegation motivate governments to confer certain functions to supranational institutions; (2) the nature of these functions influences the design of mechanisms for controlling the institutions; (3) institutional design shapes the consequences of delegation by facilitating or obstructing attempts by the institutions to implement private agendas; and (4) the consequences of previous rounds of delegation affect future delegation, institutional design, and interaction, through positive and negative feed-back loops.

Rational Fictions: Central Bank Independence and the Social Logic of Delegation by Kathleen R McNamara

The conventional wisdom in support of central bank independence rests on a series of contestable arguments about the relationship between democracy, policy making, and economic outcomes. Empirical work casts doubt on the severity of the inflationary problems purportedly solved by delegation to independent central banks, as well as raising questions about linkages between delegation and superior economic outcomes. So why delegate? Theories of institutional isomorphism, or the copying of organisational models, provide an alternative sociological explanation of the diffusion of central bank independence. Drawing on this approach, it is argued that governments choose central banks because delegation has important legitimising and symbolic properties that are attractive to political leaders in times of economic uncertainty. Delegation to independent central banks is rational, efficient, and acceptable in a democratic society because of the cultural processes which define it as such, not because of the functional requirements of economic management.

Constitutional Courts and Parliamentary Democracy by Alec Stone Sweet

The article assesses the creation and subsequent evolution of systems of constitutional justice in West Europe, in light of delegation theory. The author argues that constitutional judges are better conceptualised as trustees, exercising fiduciary responsibilities, than as agents, who operate in the shadow of principals. The zone of discretion that organises the activities of constitutional courts is unusually large, in some contexts close to unlimited. The author then surveys why, and to what extent, constitutional adjudication has transformed the nature of parliamentary governance, focusing on the cases of France, Germany, Italy, and Spain. Notwithstanding important variation, certain trends are both pan-European and irreversible: traditional separation of powers doctrines are steadily eroding; legislators and administrators are being placed under the authority of an expansive, continuously evolving constitutional law; and the judiciary's participation in law making processes is becoming more overt and assertive.

Institutional Choice and Bureaucratic Autonomy in Germany by Marian Döhler

Although the delegation of government functions to non-majoritarian bodies such as independent agencies has accelerated throughout the OECD, Germany has followed a different path so far. In particular, administration agencies have only rarely been granted autonomy from direct political control. The main argument is that a genetic code, inherent to the system of government institutions, has routinely auto-piloted choices that involved the design and control of agencies away from principal-agent-like considerations. The elements of this genetic code are outlined and the likelihood of their future persistence is assessed. Even if the pressure to create new agencies at arms length from government has increased, there are still strong incentives to keep them in a subordinate position.

Delegation to Independent Regulatory Agencies: Pressures, Functions and Contextual Mediation by Mark Thatcher

Independent Regulatory Agencies (IRAs) have spread across many domains in Western Europe. The article examines selected examples in Britain, France, Germany, and Italy. A functionalist analysis of the pressures on elected officials and the functions that IRAs perform provide a valuable starting point for analysis. Nevertheless, it confronts cross-national and cross-domain variations in the timing of the creation of IRAs, their spread and their institutional forms. In order to offer a fuller account, contextual factors that mediate pressures must be considered. These factors include learning and institutional isomorphism; state traditions and structures; political leadership; state reforms. Finally, IRAs have had far-reaching consequences that have often been unanticipated at the time of their creation.

The Unanticpated Consequences of Creating Independent Competition Agencies by Stephen Wilks with Ian Bartle

The tendency for governments to create independent competition agencies is analysed in the cases of Directorate General IV of the Commission, the German Certel Office, the Office of Fair Trading, and the Competition Commission. Analysis of the historical process of agency design, and the redefination of agency missions, indicates a progression from a symbolic and constitutional rationale to a more material impact on contemporary market economies. Drawing loosely on principal-agent theory, changing agency roles are ascribed partly to the activism of independent agents, partly to the changing prioities of majoritian principals. The unanticipated consequences of delegation include an escape from business capture but a shift to legalism or economic purism.

Judicial Delegation Doctrines: The US, Britain, and France by Martin Shapiro

Legislatures frequently enact primary legislation that delegates secondary law making powers to adminstrative agencies. Judicial review designed to ensure that this secondary legislation is in accord with the primary legislation necessarily involves judicial interpretation of the primary legislation and hence also some degree of judicial law making. Both the relative degree of judicial law making and its causes may vary from country to country. Judicial review of secondary legislation in three countries is examined. Judicial activism is great in the United States and probably related both to congressional inefficiency in passing amending statutes and judicial recruitment and career patterns. The level of judicial activism in the UK has been low but may be increasing. It is severely constrained by the capacity of parliament rapidly to 'correct' judicial interpretations but encouraged by judicial career patterns. The formal decisions of the French Council of State show little judicial intervention against adminstrators' secondary legislation but such intervention may occur extensively at the stage of agency regulation drafting rather than through formal review processes.

Learning from the Americanists (Again): Theory and Method in the Study of Delegation by Mark A Pollack

European(ist) scholars have largely followed their American(ist) colleagues in the formulation of theories about delegation of powers to non-majoritarian institutions, most notably through the application of principal-agent models of relations between legislative principals and their executive and judicials agents. This article suggests that Europeanists can once again learn from recent developments in both theory and method in the study of delegation in American politics. The first section discusses the methodological challenges of testing hypotheses about the conditions under which agents might enjoy some degree of autonomy from their legislative principals, and draws lessons from the recent Americanist literature. The section examines the development in American politics of a second wave of principal-agent analysis which aims to formulate and test hypotheses about the conditions under which legislative principals might delegate authority and discretion to bureautic agents. The third and final section of the article examines some preliminary applications of the principal-agent approach to the European Union and to the comparative study of European parliamentary democracies, and proposes a research agenda for the comparative study of national-level delegation in the parliamentary systems of Western Europe.

Book Reviews

Abstracts of articles in Issue 24.4

The Radical Right in Public Office: Agenda Setting and Policy Effects by Michael Minkenberg

International comparisons of new radical right-wing parties usually focus on differences in electoral fortunes, party organisations and leadership. This article uses a different angle by focusing on public policy impact and the role these parties play in the parliamentary and executive arenas. The research is driven by the hypothesis that under the conditions of stable democracy, holding office produces a net result in a ‘taming effect’ on radical right-wing actors rather than a sharp ‘right turn’. Evidence from four countries (Germany, France, Italy and Austria) shows that parliamentary presence alone does not result in policy effects. When the radical right holds executive office, a ‘right turn’ occurs primarily in cultural policies. Overall, real effects of radical right-wing politics occur largely as a result of the interaction between the radical right and established actors – regardless of the radical right's assuming power.

The Politics of Opposition and European Integration in Scandinavia: Is Euro-Scepticism a Government–Opposition Dynamic? by Nick Sitter

Scandinavian party competition has incorporated divisions over European integration to a greater degree than most West European party systems, but with considerable variation in Norway, Sweden and Denmark. From a comparative politics perspective this raises questions about the relatively high salience of Euro-scepticism in Scandinavian politics, the differences between the three cases and changes over time. The central argument in this article is that Europeanisation of party politics – the translation of issues related to European integration into domestic party politics – is driven by the dynamics of long- and short-term government–opposition competition, and the key driver of change is party strategy. Whether at the centre or extremes of the party system, Euro-scepticism is a product of party competition – and is, both in its origins and development, ‘the politics of opposition’.

Parliamentary Government in Different Shapes by Guy-Erik Isaksson

This article focuses on the principles of parliamentary government and the implementation of these principles. Empirically, the study includes 239 cabinet formations in Europe after World War II. The results show that the party structure significantly affects the way the principles of majority, plurality and responsiveness are put into practice. In two-party systems, institutional arrangements guarantee that the principles are implemented. In consensual multi-party systems, the principles are largely implemented as well. However, in non-consensual multi-party systems, often including one dominant party, it is much more difficult to fulfil the ideals of parliamentary government. The study also shows that the majority element greatly increases government stability.

Neither Decline Nor Sclerosis: The Organisational Structure of the German Environmental Movement by Dieter Rucht and Jochen Roose

The conventional view of the life-course of social movements is that they institutionalise, develop hierarchical structures and, as a consequence, de-radicalise. This article assesses this image by examining the recent history of the German environmental movement, using two surveys of national and Berlin-based environmental groups. The analysis suggests that there are no indications of a decline or sclerosis in the movement. Contrary to what some observers have claimed, we find at least a stable number of groups, an increase in the size of their membership and other resources, as well as the maintenance of a decentralised movement structure. Moreover, empirical evidence does not lend support to the idea that the movement, at the aggregate level, has been pacified in terms of its protest.

Immigration, Asylum and Citizenship in Germany: The Impact of Unification and the Berlin Republic by Simon Green

In recent years, there has been much debate over whether post-unification Germany, often termed the ‘Berlin Republic’, represents a substantive change from the ‘Bonn Republic’, that is, west Germany. This article analyses Germany’s immigration and citizenship policy against this background by examining various dimensions of immigration both before and after unification. The article argues that both unification itself and Germany’s changed international environment have resulted in far-reaching changes in policy, which have forced a reappraisal of Germany’s traditional self-image as a ‘non-immigration country’.

When Industrial Policy Shapes Public Sector Reform: Total Quality Management in Britain and France by Denis Saint-Martin

Approaches seeking to explain the development of TQM ideas in government are very much ‘business-centric’. The goal of this article is to show that in reforming the public sector, policy-makers did not simply follow the lead of the private sector because – in the case of TQM – the private sector was itself, to some extent at least, led by government. In the mid-1980s, Britain and France launched nation-wide ‘quality initiatives’ which provided money for businesses to buy management consulting expertise. Through the implementation of these policies, consultants built channels of communication with the state, and this subsequently opened possibilities for consultants to help transfer TQM ideas from the industrial policy area to the field of public sector reform.

Bringing Together or Driving Apart the Union? Towards a Theory of Differentiated Integration by Alkuin Kölliker

This contribution develops a theory of the impact of differentiation on integration and unity among EU member states and discusses empirical evidence from four policy areas. According to the theory, the centripetal effects of closer co-operation among willing EU members on initially unwilling non-participants are strongly influenced by the character of the respective policy area in terms of public goods theory. The eventual participation of initially reluctant member states, which leads to the re-establisment of long run unity despite short run differentiation, is most likely in policy areas involving excludable network effects, and most unlikely in areas dealing with common pool resource problems (the four remaining types of goods ranking in between these two extremes). The theoretical conclusions are supported by empirical evidence from four EU-related policies: the successful three show strong characteristics of excludable network goods (EMU, Schengen and the Dublin Convention), while the one which has proved extraordinarily difficult so far involves a common pool resource problem (tax harmonisation).

The New Institutionalism and the Study of the European Union: The Case of the Social Dialogue by Michael J Gorges

This article applies new institutionalist perspectives on institutional change to the inclusion in the Maastricht Treaty of social dialogue provisions giving the social partners the right to participate in social policy-making. It concludes that the new institutionalism cannot explain institutional change. By relying on exogenous variables such as ‘critical junctures’, ‘leadership’ or ‘ideas’, new institutionalist analyses resort to a collection of explanations that proponents of almost any theoretical perspective could use. The new institutionalism's failure to develop an institutionalist account of change is a serious weakness that brings into question its use as an analytical tool in EU studies

Delegation and Constraints in the National Execution of the EC Policies: A Longitudinal and Qualitative Analysis by Fabio Franchino

When it adopts an EC law, the Council of Ministers, the main legislative body of the Community, decides on the extent to which implementing measures are taken by national administrations and the latitude of national executive action. This article reviews, across a data set of 158 major EC laws, the pattern of delegation of executive powers to national authorities and the statutory constraints employed by the Council to delimit the national execution of European policies. The study provides, first, a comparative assessment of the choices taken by Community legislators on issues of delegation and suggests an explanation to the relative stringency of European law. It then evaluates the long-term trend towards more concise legislation and greater executive discretion of member states, but not necessarily of more legislative output, that emerges from the analysis of the data set. Finally, it explains how factors such as credibility of commitment, information asymmetries and the need for flexible, but controlled and credible, transition to European policies account for the use of 12 categories of constraints that the Council imposes on national administrations.

Abstracts of articles in Issue 24.3

The Extreme-Right Utopia in Belgium and France: The Ideology of the Flemish Vlaams Blok and the French Front National by Marc Swyngedouw and Gilles Ivaldi

The purpose of this article is to compare the core ideological beliefs of the Flemish Vlaams Blok and the French Front National. The analysis focuses on these parties' attitudes towards humanity, the world and the relationship between the individual and society. The 'de-construction' of the far right 'new society' utopia in both countries shows important similarities, although some aspects remain contingent on national contexts and historical circumstances. In spite of the VB and FN's alleged commitment to representative democracy, our analysis illustrates a set of ethnocentrist, authoritarian and anti-egalitarian values underpinning an essentially non-democratic ideology.

Pariahs in their Midst: Belgian and Norwegian Parties React to Extremist Threats by William M Downs

When extremist parties enter representative institutions through legitimate democratic means, how do established, mainstream parties respond? Traditional conservative parties throughout Europe face the reality that radical right-wing parties are winning representation across all levels of the polity: subnational councils, national legislatures, and the European Parliament. While the political science literature has endeavoured to explain the recent electoral gains of such parties as Belgium’s Vlaams Blok and Norway’s Progress Party, scant attention has been paid to the equally important question of how established democratic parties cope with extremists once inside legislative assemblies. This article compares the observations and preferences of elected representatives who, by democracy's lot, are confronted by pariahs in their midst. Evidence from local councillors in Antwerp and Oslo reveals significant internal party uncertainty over strategy and suggests that electoral ambition and perceptions of ‘democratic responsibility’ help shape strategic preferences.

The Failure of the Participatory Democracy in the Czech Republic by Magdalena Hadjiisky

Following the breakdown of the Soviet system, the new East European elites faced the problem of defining and building democratic institutions. This problem was not a purely institutional one, however. During the transformation process, different conceptions of democracy appear and often become critical issues for political competition. Based on the Czech case, this article aims to understand how and why one particular conception of democracy becomes dominant during a process of regime change. Personified by the two ‘Vaclavs’ in the Czech political arena (Havel and Klaus), divergent perspectives on democracy exist in the Czech Republic, having concrete consequences for the practice of politics. These conceptions (referred to here as ‘participatory’ and ‘majoritarian’) dramatically differ in their perception of the role of the citizen in a liberal democracy. This article identifies and describes these two different conceptions of democracy in the present and past Czech Republic. It explores the sociological conditions of their emergence in order to understand the failure of the participatory model of democracy with respect to the alternative, majoritarian, vision of democracy.

Idealism versus Realism in Institutional Choice: Explaining Electoral Reforms in Poland by Kenneth Ka-Loc Chan

One of the most significant, yet not fully explained, institutional decisions in post-Communist Europe was Poland’s adoption of a moderate proportional representation system (PR) for the 1993 general election. This article argues that the new electoral system was not entirely based on any normative notion of democratic governance, and that the adoption did not immediately follow from the assumptions of rational choice theory. The 1993 electoral system was largely attributable to patterns of interaction between political parties that had become known, been practised and accepted since the fall of Communism. In reality, the eventual system was built up incrementally in several stages, but the Polish way of ‘muddling through’, albeit contentious and protracted, seems to have worked well for the Polish people.

Early Consolidation and Performance Crisis: The Majoritarian-Consensus Democracy Debate in Hungary by Attila Ágh

The current period of early consolidation has been a turning point in East-Central European (ECE) democratisation. It has provoked, however, a majoritarian-consensual debate, first of all in Hungary, that is discussed in this article in a shorter theoretical and in a longer ‘empirical’ part. The introduction deals with the conceptual framework, followed by its application as a Hungarian case study in an East-Central European context. It is argued that Hungary may be the model for the competing conceptions of democracy in political practice, since (i) an extended version of consensual democracy was established in the early 1990s but opposed by the first government; (ii) there was an attempt by the second government to complete consensual democracy but it failed; (iii) an abrupt turn was made towards majoritarian democracy in the late 1990s by the third government. In Hungary there has been a long debate on majoritarian versus consensual democracy, involving politicians, experts and the larger public. Finally, some general conclusions can be drawn about the troubles of the young democracies.

Evolving or Conforming? Assessing Organisational Reform Within European Green Parties by Jon Burchell

The article provides a comparative analysis of organisational change within three European Green parties. By utilising an adaptation of Harmel and Janda’s party change model, the author identifies the key factors impacting upon processes of organisational change within the Greens. It is argued that these changes reflect a process of evolution within the Green parties during which they have attempted to maintain a commitment to key ‘green’ goals and objectives whilst also seeking to become effective competitors within European party systems.

The Puzzle of Dutch Welfare State Retrenchment: The Importance of Dutch Politics by Christoffer Green-Pedersen

In the literature on welfare state retrenchment and in the general emphasis on the resilience of welfare states, the Dutch case appears puzzling by virtue of the fact that significant retrenchments have actually taken place in the Netherlands. The Dutch case appears even more puzzling considering that the arguments in this literature as to the difficulties in welfare state retrenchments apply very well to the Dutch case, whereas the arguments as to why after all welfare state retrenchments are possible do not apply particularly well. This article argues that the explanation for the Dutch puzzle should be found in Dutch politics. Due to the power of the CDA as a pivotal centre party, the PvdA was at an early stage forced to accept welfare state retrenchment. A party consensus thus emerged allowing Dutch governments to define the issue of welfare state retrenchment as a matter of economic necessity.

Institutions and Representation: How Institutional Rules Shape Political Recruitment in French Regional Elections by Olivier Nay

This article attempts to develop an approach to political recruitment that combines the study of strategies deployed by candidates, party officials and local leaders, with an analysis of the effects induced by the institutional environment within which they act. It is suggested that institutional ‘rules’ specific to French political life shape the competition among political actors who participate in the selection of candidates standing for regional election. More specifically, political recruitment can be fully understood only if three kinds of institutional variables are combined: the rules of the regional electoral system; the organisational features of political activity at the local level; and, above all, the variety of non-codified norms and criteria which orient the perceptions and beliefs of the political groups involved in the selection process. The main empirical conclusion is that institutional variables engender ‘unexpected effects’ which modify traditional mechanisms of local elite recruitment.

Abstracts of articles in Issue 24.2

Introduction: Switzerland – Key Institutions and Behavioural Outcomes by Jan-Erik Lane

Consensual Government in a Heterogeneous Polity by Ulrich Klöti

The Swiss system of government is renowned for its high stability which is traditionally related to institutional arrangements such as direct democracy, federalism and proportional representation. A more detailed analysis shows that the unique mix of presidential and parliamentary elements of consensual and competitive processes and of collegial and departmental structures may lead not only to stability but to problems of co-ordination and inefficiency as well. Considering the tensions between the various contradicting principles, basic reforms of the governmental system prove to be most difficult to achieve.

How Does Direct Democracy Matter? The Impact of Referendum Votes upon Politics and Policy-Making by Yannis Papadopoulos

This article outlines the effects of direct democracy on the Swiss political system. It deals with referendums initiated by petition ‘from below’ and with their indirect impact upon politics and policy-making. Political elites sought to craft integrative strategies in order to tame the conflictual potential of these inherently majoritarian mechanisms. We argue that this adaptive behaviour took three forms, the first two aiming to prevent recourse to direct democracy, and the last to steer the processes it engenders widening the executive formula, to encompass all parties likely to make efficient use of the referendum if not co-opted as partners in the governing coalition; anticipating the veto risk by negotiating ex-ante with opponents to policy reforms that were triggered by government and parliament; ex-post negotiation when the use of direct democracy could not be prevented, as in the case of popular initiatives. Finally, the limits of this neo-institutionalist approach will be explored, before concluding with an assessment of the validity of the traditional functions of direct democracy today.

The Federal Parliament: The Limits of Institutional Reform by Hanspeter Kriesi

The Federal Assembly, according to the Constitution the supreme political authortiy, is weakened by several structural features of the Swiss political system. The specific coalitional structure that has emerged in the National Council, however, prevents the incongruent composition of its two chambers from paralysing the political process. The position of the Federal Assembly has been reinforced in the more recent past by procedural reforms but there are increasing difficulties in finding pre-parliamentary compromises. Structural reforms to strengthen the position of the Federal Assembly have been in discussion for years, but decisive steps to improve the position are not in sight.

Towards the Judicialisation of Swiss Politics? by Christine Rothmayr

There is a moderate trend towards the judicialisation of Swiss politics. The Swiss Federal Supreme Court has strengthened the protection of rights and expanded its power of review due to, among other factors, the European Court of Human Rights. However, recent attempts to introduce the power to review federal laws, as part of the total revision of the federal constitution, were defeated in parliament. The federal constitution, therefore, still requires that the Federal Supreme Court apply all federal laws, even if the court believes the law to be unconstitutional, thus clearly limiting the power of constitutional review. The Swiss Federal Supreme Court is, nevertheless, a relevant player in public policy-making despite its limited power of constitutional review.

Institutions and Outcomes of Swiss Federalism: The Role of the Cantons in Swiss Politics by Wolf Linder and Adrian Vatter

The analysis of Swiss federalism today focuses upon the role of the cantons and the strategies they engage in to protect their interests. In the first part an account is rendered of how the most important institutions of Swiss federalism operate and the outcomes they promote. Taking advantage of the growing empirical research on Swiss federalism, the second part presents new findings on the variations in the 26 cantons in terms of institutional structures, and it probes the impact of the differences between the cantons on policy outcomes. In the final part, the need for and possibilities of reform of Swiss federalism are discussed.

Swiss Political Parties – Between Persistence and Change by Andreas Ladner

The Swiss party system has long been noteworthy both for its large number of parties and its stability. The parties themselves are considered to be weak with a low level of professionalisation and a high degree of internal fragmentation. This analysis questions these assumptions on a broader empirical basis. It takes up the recent electoral success of the Swiss People's Party, which seriously disturbs traditional arrangements of power sharing. For a better understanding of the ongoing changes, it also takes a closer look at developments on the level of the party organisation. The focus is not only on the national party system and its parties, but also includes the very important cantonal level. There have been significant changes affecting the Swiss parties, and a reorganisation of the party system has become more likely.

Institutionalising the Swiss Welfare State by Klaus Armingeon

The Swiss welfare state over the last 50 years has moved towards the Western European model of a welfare state characterised by strong liberal traits, but a full convergence has been delayed by various socio-economic, political and institutional factors. Since the 1980s, however, the Swiss welfare state has begun to accelerate towards the Western European model. This process is due to decisions taken in the past bringing about gradual reform of existing schemes, to increasing demands on the welfare state because of demographic and economic developments, and to the inability of Swiss institutions – once responsible for stalling welfare state development – to prevent convergence.

The Growth of the Public Sector in Switzerland by Jan-Erik Lane and Reinert Maeland

Switzerland has experienced a rapid expansion of its public sector, which is not in line with the traditional image of the country as primarily a market economy and not a welfare state. The public sector may be decomposed into allovative and redistributive components. Both types of public sector programme have grown faster than the rate of economic growth, but it is especially the redistributive programmes that have expanded very rapidly. The Swiss welfare state is one of the largest in Western Europe today, and it presents a problem of financing for both the federal and the cantonal governments. Allocative programmes grew much faster up to the oil crisis than after 1974, but redistributive programmes still display considerable increases. At certain specific time-points decisions were taken that increased public expenditures considerably, meaning that the expansion process of the welfare state has not taken a continuous linear process of growth.

The Political Economy of Switzerland: A Monetarist Success? by Jan-Erik Lane

The Swiss political economy has become internationally renowned due to its exceptionally low unemployment numbers in an affluent and open economy. These have been seen as the indication of a successful corporatist regime. However, another interpretation is more plausible, namely the strong influence of the independent Swiss National Bank upon the economy by means of a classical monetarist regime, favouring a low level of inflation in a long-run perspective upon the growth in output. Switzerland and the European integration process: Engagement without Marriage by Cédric Dupont and Pascal Sciarini Among Western European countries Switzerland currently has the most restricted, and most insecure, access to the EC Single Market. How can one explain this uncomfortable position? In contrast to the widespread interpretation that focuses on the blocking role of core domestic political institutions, this study provides a more nuanced analysis of the sources of variation in foreign policy making, carefully examining the influence of perceptions on the design of policy lines. Switzerland’s stance toward the process of European integration, from the late 1950s to the late 1990s, has been the result of trade-offs between perceived risks and opportunities, with no clearly predetermined outcome from domestic political structures. Misperceptions about the range of feasible options at the external level have often reinforced domestic political difficulties and even at times overshadowed them. Domestic institutional reform is not a prerequisite to marriage with the EC in the near future. But there is an urgent need for a government with a firm steering capacity and willingness.

REVIEW ARTICLE

Germany: Coming to Terms with the Past – and the Future? by Geoffrey Roberts

Abstracts of articles in Issue 24.1

Modelling Coalitions that Cannot Coalesce: A Critique of the Laver-Shepsle Approach by Patrick Dunleavy with Simon Bastow

The Laver and Shepsle (LS) model assumes that coalition government partners can never co-operate to agree policy jointly, but must allocate ministerial portfolios between them, with each sides' ministers acting as partisan ‘barons’ in their departments. Portfolio allocations do indeed make some initial difference as a stage through which all coalition negotiations must pass. But in the LS pure model their empirical significance for a coalition's eventual policy stance is greatly exaggerated, ignoring the importance of a range of governance mechanisms in fostering policy coalescence. Theoretically we should also expect two rational parties always to offer policy stance concessions in bargaining, which move away from the LS 'lattice points', in many circumstances maximising their joint welfare. Pressure from voters, activists, party backers and the media will be for a coalition deal more comprehensible than the lattice points for non-elite audiences, located somewhere along the contract line from party A's optimum to party B's optimum.

New Politics’ in Finland: The Greens and the Left Wing in the 1990s by Kim OK Zilliacus

This article examines the development of two Finnish political parties (the Green Association and the Left-Wing Alliance) from a ‘New Politics’ perspective, focusing on changes in their electoral, programmatic and organisational profiles, with emphasis on the composition and value-related features of their electorates in 1991, 1995 and 1999. The results confirm the position of the Greens as the prime representative of New Politics; but the party has moved away from its anti-establishment role and its supporters increasingly share the social and attitudinal characteristics of the average electorate. The LWA, on the other hand, has developed a New Politics profile and a gradual dealignment of its old male-dominated working class electorate; though its central characteristics and its supporters are still firmly entrenched in an old leftist format.

Trade Unions for EMU: Sectoral Preferences and Political Opportunities by Daphne Josselin

Surveys conducted on the political economy of Europe’s Economic and Monetary Union have seldom considered the response of domestic interest groups, notably trade unions. This article contrasts and explains the positions on EMU adopted by major British, French and German trade unions, in the process reassessing the so-called interest group approach to preference formulation. It is argued that while the impact of sectoral orientation appears significant, it is mitigated by the intervention of ideological and institutional factors. On a substantive level, unions turned out to be broadly supportive of what many had labelled a ‘monetarist’ project. If, as is often argued, social and political cohesion is needed for monetary union to endure, this represents an important development.

When is Unemployment Politically Important? Explaining Differences in Political Salience across European Countries by Phineas Baxandall

This article explores alternative hypotheses for variation in the political salience of unemployment. The differences between the political opinions of employed and unemployed people is used as a proxy for the qualitative importance of unemployment. Unemployment is not found to be more politically salient when government support of the unemployed is more generous or when jobless spells are shorter. Far more important is the character of employment. Unemployment is more politically salient in countries where employment guarantees a basic livelihood. The data also suggest that unemployment has greater salience in countries where the unemployed are more likely to use state employment exchanges in searching for work. Two conclusions are suggested. First, public toleration of high unemployment in recent decades may be partly the result of the rise of atypical work arrangements. Second, while it is debatable whether social-democratic protections of employment standards increase unemployment rates, such efforts may inadvertently increase the political costs of high unemployment.

Families of Nations and Public Policy by Herbert Obinger and Uwe Wagschal

Employing cluster analysis, this article reconsiders a concept formulated by Francis G Castles that stresses the existence of four families of nations, which markedly differ in respect of public policy-making. For two policy fields – social and economic policy – the hypothesised families of nations can be shown to exist, and that they are quite robust and stable over time. Cluster analysis also reveals different paths towards modernity. On the one hand, there are more state-oriented versus more market-oriented models of public policy-making; on the other, there is a cleavage in public policy-making between rich countries located at the centre and somewhat poorer countries located at the periphery.

A ‘Southern Model’ of Electoral Mobilisation? Clientelism and Electoral Politics in Spain by Jonathan Hopkin

It is often argued that clientelism is a key feature of electoral mobilisation in southern European democracies. This article examines the evidence for clientelism in the Spanish case, assessing the recruitment, redistributive strategies and electoral performance of governing parties in the 1977–96 period. It finds little evidence of extensive clientelistic mobilisation; instead, political parties’ use of state resources is largely consistent with their programmatic and ideological positions. ‘Old’ clientelism from the pre-democratic era mostly did not survive the change of regime, whilst ‘new’ clientelism based on the expansion of state employment contributed to the Socialist Party’s organisational consolidation, but was not a significant feature of its strategy of electoral mobilisation.

The Portuguese Parliament During the First Two Decades of Democracy by Cristina Leston-Bandeira

This article sets out the main stages in the development of the Portuguese parliaments over the past two decades. This development has been characterised by the growing rationalisation of the internal operation of parliament, notably through an increased role for committees, and a greater importance attached to parliamentary scrutiny of the executive. Recently, the Portuguese parliament has taken important steps in strengthening its links with society and in responding to public concerns. Some of the measures discussed in this context have helped to support the legitimation function of parliament; but parliament will need better developed resources if it is to act an effective check on the government.

Political Parties and Corruption in Portugal by Luis de Sousa

Portugal is often considered an example of successful democratic consolidation. Yet it has not been exempt from corruption scandals. By the mid-1990s, transparency and the moralisation of political life had come to dominate parliamentary debates and reforms. The illegality surrounding party life must be seen against the background of dominant ethical standards in society. Voters appear tolerant of the unethical behaviour of political leaders, while parties are gradually becoming less responsive to their electorate. Representation and delegation rely more on tacit consent than on voice, thus encouraging complacency over corruption.

The European Parliament – A Model of Representative Democracy? by Janet Mather

This article argues that the European Parliament (EP) provides a poor model of representative democracy, as the nature of its representativeness is rooted in a pre-democratic form. If this is correct, the EP’s experience might indicate that liberal representative democracy in western political systems has become an inadequate vehicle for governmental legitimacy. However, the EP could promote devolution of power, which is a prerequisite for a more participatory form of democracy better suited to a politically mature populace.

DEBATE

Some Methodological Issues in the Statutory Characterisation of Central Banks by James Forder

Democratic Accountability and Central Bank Independence: A Reply to Various Critics by Robert Elgie

ELECTION REPORT

Denmark’s Referendum on the Euro: The Mouse that Roared … Again by William M Downs

BOOK REVIEWS

Abstracts of articles in Issue 23.4

Special Issue

Europeanised Politics? European Integration and National Political Systems

Edited by: Klaus H Goetz and Simon Hix

Introduction: European Integration and National Political Systems by Simon Hix and Klaus H Goetz

European integration as a (potential) force of change in domestic polities and politics is attracting growing scholarly attention. European integration comprises two interrelated processes: the delegation of policy competences and the establishment of a new set of political institutions. Most existing studies of how these processes affect domestic institutional and political orders approach the subject from an institutionalist perspective. While such an approach helps to clarify the links between pressures for change and patterns of national adaptation, European integration as a source of change cannot be considered in isolation from other (potential) sources of domestic institutional and political change.

The Limited Impact of Europe on National Party Systems by Peter Mair

A brief overview of the changing format and mechanics of national party systems suggests that the direct impact of European integration has been severely limited. Although the national party systems as constituted within the European electoral arena may show signs of such an impact, this has as yet failed to spill over into the strictly domestic arena. Two major reasons are suggested to account for this seeming imperviousness of the national party systems. First, the absence of an arena in which parties may compete at European level for executive office, an absence which thereby hinders the development of a European party system as such. Second, the misplaced division of competences associated with the national and European electoral arenas, whereby issues concerning the European political system itself are largely excluded from the national political arena to which they properly belong. The study concludes by suggesting that it is through the indirect process of depoliticisation that Europe may exert its greatest impact on national party systems.

European Integration, Voters and National Politics by Matthew J Gabel

This study considers how and whether EU membership shapes voting behaviour in national elections. It starts by investigating claims about the relationship between EP elections and national elections. Because voters use EP elections as markers for the electoral prospects of national governing parties, the later an EP election follows a national general election, the greater the impact of the EP election on the governing parties' fortunes in the subsequent national election. It goes on to explore how and whether issues of European integration have influenced voting behaviour in national elections. Building on previous studies, the discussion shows that for most of the EU member states, voters' support for EU membership provides the basis for a new electoral cleavage. However, a variety of questions remain to be addressed regarding the extent and character of this electoral cleavage and how this cleavage may develop with further economic integration. The analysis consequently develops a research agenda and several theoretical hypotheses about how the link between macroeconomic performance and support for governing parties may change as economic integration deepens.

Political Contention in a Europeanising Polity by Doug Imig and Sidney Tarrow

European-level government presents new opportunities and constraints for domestic social actors. But barriers remain to contentious action in the transnational realm – most individuals have difficulty ascribing the sources of their grievances to the EU, transaction costs impede their efforts to co-ordinate collective action across national boundaries, and traditional routines of collective action attach citizens to their national systems. Nevertheless, some actors are able to mobilise at the European level. Using reports from Reuters, the study finds that most protests are made by occupational groups, such as farmers or workers, with little mobilisation of non-occupational groups (such as environmental or women's NGOs). Also, rather than a direct displacement of contentious politics to the supranational level, one sees a range of mobilising styles: transnational co-operation against domestic actors, collective European protests, and the domestication of European issues within national politics. The authors speculate that these outcomes will allow the EU Commission to keep such protests at a distance, and that activists whose careers are in Brussels-based NGOs will be deprived of the weapons they need to back up their claims.

Public – Private Networks in a Multi-Level System: Converging Towards Moderate Diversity? by Gerda Falkner

Researchers have put forward seemingly contradictory hypotheses on how European integration might impact on national interest intermediation. This study proposes to include the meso-level in the analysis – in other words, looking systematically at policy- and sector-specific characteristics in European governance. From such a perspective, it seems the impact of EU-level politics could be much more diverse (in the sense being differentiated between policy areas) than hitherto expected. In addition, attention needs to be paid to the existence, and limits, of different types of impact potentials of Euro-level patterns on the national systems. Although no uniform systems of interest politics can be expected, even in the longer run, persisting or even growing intra-system diversity of public-private interaction might increasingly be accompanied by a trend towards inter-system convergence of policy-specific networks due to the process of European integration.

Europeanised Politics Europeanised Media? European Integration and Political Communication by Holli A Semetko, Claes H de Vreese and Jochen Peter

A comprehensive framework for analysis of the impact of European integration on political communication needs to take account of developments in four areas: media and political systems, media and political organisations, media content and potential effects, and media audiences and audience characteristics. In this study, the focus is, first, on changes in media systems, and, second, on media organisations and journalists' role orientations. Third, what is known about news concerning 'Europe' is summarises and the impact of 'Europeanisation' on news content discussed. The authors identify the conceptual, theoretical and empirical challenges facing students and scholars of political communication in understanding the impact of European integration in member states. It is argued that it is important to consider both the historical, institutional and media system contexts and patterns in news content. The discussion concludes by proposing new avenues for research on the link between media coverage of politics and potential effects on audiences.

Backbenchers Learn to Fight Back: European Integration and Parliamentary Government by Tapio Raunio and Simon Hix

The ability of parliaments to control executives has declined since the 1950s, and most existing research claims that European integration has contributed a great deal to this decline, by providing executives with an arena away from domestic parliamentary scrutiny and a monopoly on information in an ever-larger portfolio of public policies. However, when looking empirically at the impact of the European integration on parliamentary government, one finds that in the 1990s most parliaments in Europe established institutions and mechanisms that forced governments to explain their policies and actions in the European arena to national parliaments. Also, since EU policy choices adopted increasingly constrain member states' domestic choices, parliamentary scrutiny of EU issues has contributed to greater supervision of executives on other domestic matters. It is argued that the driving force behind this partial retrenchment is the desire by non-governing parties and back-bench parliamentarians to redress the 'information gap' between governing elites and the parliamentary rank-and-file.

The Positioning of EU Judicial Politics within the United Kingdom by Damian Chalmers

This study proceeds from the observation that any analysis of the depth and contribution of judicial politics to EU integration must use national courts as its principal laboratory. In its empirical part, the analysis is based on an examination of all reported judgments in the UK between 1971 and 1998 in which EC law was addressed by national judges. In substantive terms, there is no evidence that the UK judiciary has been concerned to protect particular central spheres of British political and legal life from EU intrusion. Resistance has, however, been marked where EC law restricts domestic institutions' capacity to secure conformity in British society – whether that conformity takes the form of securing those conditions that sustain and stabilise private relationships and private autonomy or whether it takes the form of protecting those institutions, such as criminal and immigration law, which are taken to sustain a common collective consciousness.

European Integration and National Executives: A Cause in Search of an Effect? by Klaus H Goetz

The impact of European integration on the executives of current EU member states has been studied from three perspectives: linkage, implementation and executive ecology. A review of research and writing about executive Europeanisation in both west and eastern Europe raises doubts about the explanatory status of 'European integration' as major explanatory variable driving domestic institutional change. If knowledge in the field is to advance, the analytical scope of Europeanisation research needs to be extended. First, more attention must be paid to the modes and processes of Europeanisation (as opposed to the substance of institutional adaptation). Second, it is necessary to examine more systematically the manner in which European integration interacts with other (potential) sources of institutional development.

Review Article: Wither Welfare? Partisan Politics, Globalisation and Social Transformation by Daniel Wincott

Book Reviews

Abstracts of articles in Issue 23.3

State Subsidies to Political Parties: Confronting Rhetoric with Reality by Jon Pierre, Lars Svåsand and Anders Widfeldt

This article investigates the political impact of the introduction of state subsidies to political parties. The arguments for and against subsidising political parties are outlined. Different models of party subsidies, and their regulatory frameworks, are discussed. We find little evidence of a cross-national impact of the introduction of party subsidies. The subsidies cannot explain the decline in party membership. Nor is there evidence to suggest that the subsidies were introduced as a response to membership decline. There is no support for the allegation that party subsidies lead to the petrification of party systems. The subsidies have not meant that other income sources have lost their significance for political parties.

Public Service Reform: A Comparative West European Perspective by David Clark

This article compares recent public service reforms in Britain, France and Germany in terms of reform origins, the trade-off between managerial and administrative values in the overall reform orientation and the balance within managerial reform between public choice and business management strands. An explanation is advanced of variations in national reform profiles which draws on elements of both political economy and historical institutionalist approaches. Particular importance is attributed to the composition of French and German administrative reform policy communities, and to the resilience of collectivist ideals of public service within the respective memberships, as compared to Britain.

The Public Service Ethos and the Role of the British Civil Service by David Richards and Martin Smith

The last Conservative Administration invested much time and effort in reforming the structure and organisation of the Civil Service. Yet, it left untouched, the core principles which underpinned Whitehall, often referred to as the public service ethos. In this article, we argue that this ethos has been defended by both conservative and liberal opinion as something fundamentally good. Yet, in reality, the public service ethos is a power/knowledge system which legitimises the rule of a particular elite by presenting public service as a worthy occupation and, thereby, authorising a system of power which is relatively closed and secretive. This accounts for why it has been in the interests of both the last Conservative Administration and the present Labour Government to ensure the ethos remains intact.

Coping with Economic Integration: Corporatist Strategies in Germany and Austria in the 1990s by Reinhard Heinisch

While Germany is facing the wholesale disorganisation of sectoral collective bargaining, the Austrian social partnership has gained new strength in the 1990s. Comparatively, Austro-corporatism proved able to undergo a process of skilful adaptation. This divergence in performance poses a puzzle, given Germany’s commanding presence both in international markets and in the European Union, and given Austria’s traditional hostility to modernisation. This article explains German–Austrian differences in the performance and resilience of corporatist governance in the face of modernisation and market integration in terms of (i) the organisational differences between German and Austrian corporatism (sectoral concentration versus vertical centralisation and little horizontal formalisation); (ii) the long term policy strategies employed by labour unions in either system (co-determination versus macro-level policy influence); and (iii) by the different responses to modernisation chosen by German and Austrian corporatist actors (internal organisational reforms verus becoming modernisation brokers).

The Role of Ideology and Elite Networks in the Decentralisation Reforms in 1980s France by Koichi Nakano

France saw historic decentralisation reforms under the leadership of Mitterrand and Defferre, his first Minister of the Interior, in the 1980s. This article highlights the role played by ideology and elite networks in the reform process. Ideological renewal determined the broad direction of policy change towards decentralisation, and placed the decentralist cause at the heart of the legislative programme of the incoming Socialist government. Yet it was the networks that linked the political, administrative and local elites, more than ideology, that shaped and constrained the details of the actual reform outcomes.

Nordic Labour Market Policies in Transition by Sven Jochem

This article provides an overview of the Nordic labour market policies targeted to promote employment and reduce open unemployment since the early 1980s. Applying a disentangled approach, the goal is to analyse the policies of stimulating employment, the policies of influencing labour supply and, finally, active and passive labour market policies. It is argued that the employment crises of the early 1990s were mainly caused by domestic factors and, partly as a way to react to the challenge, the Nordic countries learned to use labour force supply as a policy instrument to combat unemployment. Additionally, the Nordic countries choose different ways to adapt to the imperatives of the globalised economy, hence, at the beginning of the new millennium, Nordic labour market policies are in flux.

Pillarisation, Consociation, and Vertical Pluralism in the Netherlands Revisited: A European View by Michael Wintle

Doubt has been cast recently on the explanatory significance of the Dutch variant of consociationalism, or verzuiling. Here it is argued that the problems arise in the main from confusions in terminology, and that verzuiling as a concept still has much to offer. Links are identified with emancipation, tolerance and national identity. The Dutch case is compared with Belgium, and put in a EU perspective. A distinction is drawn between consociation, pillarisation and corporatism; the specifically Dutch combination of these came to dominate public life in the Netherlands for much of the early twentieth century.

Pillarisation in Perspective by J C H Blom

‘Verzuiling’ (pillarisation) was originally a methaphor launched in the media in the 1930s for the recurring four-fold division in Dutch contemporary society in an orthodox Protestant, a Roman Catholic, a Social Democratic and a ‘neutral’ or liberal section (population groups as well as complexes of organisations). Since the 1950s it has also been a key concept in several scholarly works on Dutch society. A research project of historians and social geographers at the University of Amsterdam analysed ‘verzuiling’ on the local and regional level. None of the many theories and interpretations of ‘verzuiling’ proved to be tenable in these analyses. Maybe it is better to reduce the term to a metaphor again and to analyse the processes that together resulted in this four-fold division in Dutch society on their own terms.

Governing a Consensus Democracy: The Interplay of Pillarisation and Administration by Theo A J Toonen

Apart from a static structure of institutional blocks erected for a certain purpose, pillarisation might also be viewed as a dynamic process accommodating not only different cultural groupings, but also varying regional, local and historical circumstances. Apart from being a sociological, political and cultural structure, pillarisation for a long time fulfilled important public administrative and executive functions within and for Dutch society. Apart from being a top-down vehicle for separation and social control, pillarisation can also be seen as a polycentric or ‘bottom-up’ institutional structure in which a variety of executive agencies, quangos, and other functional professional, local and regional institutions are being co-ordinated, integrated, guided and controlled. By seeing ‘pillarisation’ as a dynamic form of network management, the question arises how ‘depillarisation’ affects the development system of intergovernmental governance in the Netherlands. More, rather than less historical knowledge of pillarisation is needed, not for understanding historical questions, but for grasping the complexities of contemporary institutional developments.

Debate: Democratic Accountability and Central Bank Independence: A Response to Elgie by Jakob De Haan and Fabian Amtenbrink Election Reports:

The Austrian General Elections of 1999 – A Shift to the Right by Wolfgang C Müller

Portugal’s October 1999 Election: Not Quite a Foregone Conclusion by David Corkill

March 2000 Spanish Election: A ‘Critical Election’? by Raj S Chari

The Swiss Elections of 24 October 1999: Learning to Live in More Interesting Times by Clive H Church

Book Reviews

Abstracts of articles in Issue 23.2

Interests and Choice in the ‘Not Quite so New’ Politics of Welfare by Fiona Ross

A growing body of literature, broadly referred to as the ‘new politics of the welfare state’, seeks to explain the constellation of pressures that condition how affluent societies are restructuring their broadly popular and deeply entrenched welfare states. Yet, while greatly increasing our awareness of the processes of retrenchment and, to a lesser extent, reformulation, the new politics remains overly de-politicised. With the imperatives of post-industrial adjustment and globalisation impelling leaders to restructure their costly social programmes and watchful electorates, entrenched interests and sticky institutions obliging them to practice modesty, welfare state restructuring has been reduced to a collision between structural necessities and institutional and political constraints. This ‘sandwiching’ of political leadership, it is argued, circumvents the critical role political agency can play in crafting welfare reform.

Reforming Health Care in Europe by Richard Freeman and Michael Moran

The wave of health care reform which has come over the systems of Western Europe in recent years is partly prompted by fiscal imperatives. But both the intensity and the direction of reform are shaped by other factors - both by the internal characteristics of health care systems and by contextual factors. The latter include the character of surrounding economic and political systems. As a result, reforms usually described in the language of market liberalism actually involve a complex mixture of market reforms and state intervention.

Timing and the Development of Social Care Services in Europe by Valeria Fargion

In this study, the author identifies timing as the most crucial factor in explaining why local governments in Continental Europe were unable to adopt the Scandinavian model of social service provision. In these countries, greater local-level fiscal autonomy and service provision responsibilities occurred within a context of increasing social needs and strong economic constraints. Moreover, local governments lacked well-institutionalised social service systems at the time of these growing demands. Given these competing pressures, local governments were incapable of developing adequate policy responses. Trends towards greater fiscal austerity coupled with an expected increase in social needs render more expansive provision unlikely.

Motives, Means and Opportunities: Reforming Unemployment Compensation in the 1990s by Jochen Clasen

This discussion of developments in unemployment compensation in three European welfare states in the 1990s argues that the introduction of obligatory activation policies particularly for young unemployed people in the UK and Denmark indicate an important type of welfare reform which is difficult to classify as either retrenchment or expansion. While Germany has also moved some way in the same direction, a similar restructuring has not occurred. Reasons for these differences are explored and it is argued that their understanding needs to take account of three interrelated aspects: motives of policy makers, the means which enable and constrain policy making (largely institutional contexts within which social security systems operate) and opportunities. A somewhat messy concept, the latter is influenced by a range of contingent factors conferring legitimacy on welfare reform.

‘Defrosting’ the French Welfare State by Bruno Palier

France is often said to have one of the most ‘frozen’ welfare states in Europe. When analysing the institutional reason for this, one realises that three different types of change have been introduced in France in the face of the ‘welfare state crisis’. After increasing resources (1) the government then introduced limited retrenchment in social expenditure (2). However, French governments have also acted indirectly in reforming the institutional causes of welfare problems (3) and have initiated structural reforms (changing the types of benefits, financing mechanisms and management arrangements) which are making the French system more manageable and flexible.

The Employment Crisis of the German Welfare State by Philip Manow and Eric Seils

The mainstream of the academic debate on the German political economy attributes the problems of the welfare state and the labour market to unification rather than the traits of the German model. By contrast, we find a pathological response pattern to recessions which results from the interplay of the Bundesbank, the government and the social partners – the employers’ and union organisations. While, on the one hand, the central bank forces the government to observe fiscal discipline, with the government then shifting costs on to the social insurance funds, on the other, employers and unions use early retirement as a key instrument of adjustment in the labour market. This process of dual cost externalisation leads to increasing non-wage labour costs which, in turn, contribute to the problem of unemployment.

Desperately Seeking a Solution: Social Democracy, Thatcherism and the ‘Third Way’ in British Welfare by Martin Rhodes

New Labour’s ‘Third Way’ and its innovations in employment and social policy can only be understood against the background of welfare state construction in Britain, the problems faced by all post-war governments in welfare policy and the nature of the institutional solution to those problems implemented by the Thatcher and Major governments. Several common assumptions concerning the past of British welfare need to be dispelled, including the concept of ‘welfare consensus’, the stability and invulnerability of the welfare state in the so-called ‘Golden Age’ and the idea that ‘globalisation’ is a recent phenomenon. The welfare state was the victim of Britain’s relative economic decline from early on, constantly buffeted by currency and balance-of-payments crises, while the failure of British social democracy to institutionalise a consensus on the social wage contributed to the turbulence of the ‘stop–go’ cycle and economic mismanagement. The legacy of Thatcherism was an institutional ‘fix’ to these problems which heavily constrains New Labour. The ‘Third Way’ is, in reality, an imaginative amalgam of modest and incremental innovations which seeks to build and improve on that legacy in the absence of any obvious available alternatives.

Reforms Guided by Consensus: The Welfare State in the Italian Transition by Maurizio Ferrera and Elisabetta Gualmini

A wave of reforms was introduced in Italy during the 1990s in the field of pensions and in the labour market. In many respects, these reforms have substantially redesigned the overall profile of the Italian welfare state as it had developed under the so-called First Republic (1948–92). Pension expenditure has been brought under control and the pension formula has been substantially rationalised. A clear shift from passive to active policies is visible in the labour market, which is also beginning to become more flexible. The reforms of the 1990s have been introduced via an increasingly well-articulated system of ‘concertation’ between the government and the social partners. The negotiated character of the reforms is largely responsible for their success. The politico-institutional transition of the domestic political system and the dynamics of European integration both explain in turn the emergence of this new style of policy making.

The Scandinavian Welfare State in the 1990s: Challenged but Viable by Stein Kuhnle

This study offers a broad outline of what has happened in the fields of social security and welfare in Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden during the 1990s. Reforms and reforms efforts are analysed and an assessment is made of the status and prospects of the so-called ‘Scandinavian type of welfare state’. Although the Nordic countries have not been immune to the international ideological winds of welfare state criticism, it is argued that economic rather than ideological factors have triggered reform activities. Social policy developments have varied across the Scandinavian countries during the 1990s, but all four nations seem to have overcome the economic challenges, which were particularly dramatic in Finland and Sweden at the beginning of the decade, with reasonable economic success and with welfare state institutions and programmes largely intact.

Change and Immobility: Three Decades of Policy Adjustment in the Netherlands and Belgium by Anton Hemerijk and Jelle Visser

Although the ‘negotiating economies’ of the Netherlands and Belgium are similar in their consociational and corporatist structures, they have followed different paths of policy adjustment. While the Netherlands seems to have been cured from the ‘Dutch disease’, Belgium has not recovered (yet). What is the possible explanation? It cannot simply be economic since both countries were initially very similar in the sectoral profiles of their open economies. It also cannot be purely institutional, since Dutch institutions did not change fundamentally from the 1970s to the 1990s. What they have in common is a policy-making structure with plural veto positions which produce perverse policy outcomes if their occupants pursue narrowly defined interests. We show how after dismal failures Dutch governments and social partners relearned the importance of a more ‘encompassing’ approach which their Belgian counterparts could not embrace, in part because of the increasing salience of ethnic-linguistic conflict.

Building a Sustainable Welfare State by Maurizio Ferrera and Martin Rhodes

The conciliation of economic growth and social justice has been one of the most significant achievements of twentieth-century welfare states. Yet today it is the object of heated controversy. The ‘conciliatory’ capacity of the welfare state has been put in serious question, especially in the light of ‘globalisation’. In this conclusion we consider first the relative influence of external versus domestic developments in generating welfare policy dilemmas and apparently unavoidable trade-offs between efficiency and equality, growth and redistribution, competitiveness and solidarity. Via an examination of employment, social security and health policy we then seek to identify the scope for new value combinations and institutional arrangements that are both mixed (in respect of their normative aims) and virtuous (able to produce advances on all fronts). We conclude by considering how this agenda can be advanced in political and institutional terms.

Abstracts of articles in Issue 22.4

Special Issue

The Changing French Political System

Editor: Robert Elgie, Senior Lecturer, European Politics, University of Nottingham

The Changing French Political System by Robert Elgie

France is experiencing a period of economic, social and political change. Change has affected the politics of representation, incorporating political parties and civil society; the organisation of political institutions, encompassing areas such as the constitution, the judiciary and local government; and public policy making, including the role of the state and the creation of new policy networks. And yet, the current period of change needs to be placed in context. In particular, change should be seen as an ongoing process which has not simply resulted in the transition from one distinct model of French politics to another. Moreover, while the current period of change raises new issues concerning the nature of the French political process, older questions, such as the supposed exceptionalism of French politics, still need to be addressed.

The Parties of the French 'Plural Left': An Uneasy Complementarity by Joseph Szarka

Focusing on the period June 1997 to April 1999, this essay considers the extent to which the 'plural left' coalition constituted an instance of party system change in France. It reviews ways of assessing party system change, analyses renewal within the individual parties of the gauche plurielle and probes the relationships between them. It concludes that although a distinct evolutionary stage emerged, allowing a new aggregation of electoral and social demands, a realignment of the French left did not take place.

The Right: Divisions and Cleavages in fin de siècle France by Paul Hainsworth

In contrast to the initial 23 years of the French Fifth Republic, in recent decades the previously dominant right has had to alternate in power or even share power with the left. The 1995 presidential election saw the return of a (neo-)Gaullist, Jacques Chirac, to the presidency. Subsequently, though, the right has been characterised by division and conflict over personalities, leadership matters, policy orientation and strategy. As a result, the right remains fragile and the evolution towards a more consensual pluralistic right is still problematic.

The New Social Movement Phenomenon: Placing France in Comparative Perspective by Andrew Appleton

This essay examines the phenomenon of new social movements (NSMs) in contemporary France. It argues that NSMs in France can only be understood in a broader comparative perspective: moreover, it suggests that theoretical approaches developed more broadly in the social movement literature are applicable to the French case. The essay examines the first and second waves of social movement activity in contemporary France, noting that the differences between the two often cited in the literature are not perhaps as great as has been argued. Finally, it concludes that France cannot, and should not, be understood – in the realm of NSMs – from the perspective of exceptionalism, but that it is a good case for testing comparative theory.

Amendments to the French Constitution: One Surprise After Another by Guy Carcassonne

The Fifth Republic is a Republic of paradoxes and the theme of constitutional revision is no exception. On the one hand, the constitution of Fifth Republic has been amended more times than any other constitution that France has known. On the other hand, these amendments have, more often than not, been simple adaptations rather than real reforms, even though there is a desire for such reforms to be passed. Similarly, the sluggishness of the amendment process suggests that it can only be undertaken in favourable circumstances. However, the evidence shows that in recent times most revisions have occurred during periods of 'cohabitation'.

The Fifth Republic: From the Droit de l'État to the État de droit? by Vincent Wright

This essay examines the increasing interaction between law and politics in the Fifth Republic. Recent developments in this domain have led to the argument that France can now be characterised as an État de Droit – a state bound by and respectful towards the rule of law and due process. However, while the juridification of institutions, politics and public policy undoubtedly marks one of the main ways in which French political life has been transformed over the last two decades, there remain important limits to the processes of juridification. In short, the État de Droit in France is more incipient than fully realised.

The Changing Role of French Local Government by Emmanuel Négrier

Whatever their limits and internal contradictions, French decentralisation reforms forced a reconsideration of the concept of local government and how it is studied. New conceptualisations of public action emerged which were closer to those found in European scholarship than to the traditional French notion of 'cross-regulation'. The aim of this work was to account for the two main developments at the local level caused by the reforms: first, the rise of multi-level local empowerment, problems of co-ordination and the redefinition of the political capacity of the local state; and, second, the changing political dimension of local government, including the differentiated power structure between levels of local government and the nature of local political legitimacy. In this essay, the adaptation of French local government will be examined, concluding that in a European context the French system is now less exceptional than it was previously.

The Changing Dynamics of State-Society Relations in the Fifth Republic by Vivien A Schmidt

The traditional relationship between state and society in France, where the state acts and society reacts, has been changing. Deregulation and privatisation of business, liberalisation of the media, modernisation of state administration, decentralisation of local government, and European integration have all served to alter state-society relations. The state is no longer so certain of its leadership and society is no longer so willing to be led. The transformations have been more dramatic in those areas where the relationship has been traditionally closest, as in business-government relationship, than in those where is has traditionally been distant, as in labour-government relations. Whereas for business, there has been a significant transfer of power from state to society, for labour no such transfer has occurred, and relations continue to be problematic. Moreover, although relations with civil society have generally improved through a loosening of state control and an increase in state efficiency and transparency, these have little affected citizen participation and access to decision making.

The Service Public Under Stress by Alistair Cole

This essay elucidates the various meanings of the elusive notion of service public. Service public is an abstract legal doctrine, a set of normative values, a category of public employment and a form of economic activity. The main body of the essay appraises European, national and sub-national challenges to traditional French understandings of the service public. Through observing examples of ideological and organisational resistance, the essay concludes that, though French policy makers have confronted the challenges to the service public in a manner consistent with their political traditions, the French polity has mutated under the combined impact of internal and external pressures for change.

Restructuring Health Policy Networks: A French Policy Style? by Steven Griggs

Successive French governments have sought to redesign health policy subsystems as the priorities of government have moved from expanding access to health care to imposing cost containment and increasing efficiency in the delivery of health services. This essay investigates how far we are able to identify a distinctly French pattern of policy change as characterised in the concept of a policy style. Recognising the cognitive and normative dimensions of public policies, it argues that policy styles should embody a prevailing policy frame or policy discourse. However, it concludes that there is no specifically 'French' pattern of policy change and that there is, as such, no 'French' policy style. Policy making in France is little different from policy making in other West European states. It is erratic, driven by the 'demands' of politicians, and proceeds more by trial-and-error than any rational response. The French state is neither 'strong' nor 'weak', but 'disoriented' with, as this essay argues, the different values and objectives imported into the management of health policy networks by successive sets of ministers and senior state officials driving the process of policy change.

The End of French Exceptionalism? by Jill Lovecy

This essay argues that two successive, and contrasting, discourses on the end of French exceptionalism need to be distinguished over the last decade, if we are to account for both the prominence and the persistence of the claim to French exceptionalism. This claim masks fundamental differences as to what had previously constituted France's 'uniqueness'; as well as causal factors promoting change in the contemporary period. Not least, it hides the characterisation of the new 'order of things' on to which France is now being aligned. The exceptionally widespread resort in France to this deceptively simple formulation has nevertheless provided an impetus towards incorporating her contemporary politics within broader comparativist typologies. France is seen as one of a variety of path-dependent liberal democracies and one of a variety of path-dependent models of capitalism.

Abstracts of articles in Issue 22.3

Interpersonal Trust, Political Trust and Non-institutionalised Political Participation in Western Europe by Max Kaase

Trust is a core concept in the continuing political science discourse on social capital and its meaning for democracy. In this article, the relationship between interpersonal trust, trust in political institutions and non-institutionalised legal political participation is analysed based on data from the Eurobarometer surveys and the European/World Values Studies. The statistical relationship between interpersonal trust and political trust in nine European countries is found to be small, though generally positive. Thus, interpersonal trust cannot be regarded as an important antecedent or consequence of political trust. A different picture emerges regarding the relationship between political trust and legal non-institutionalised participation: the lower political trust the higher the probability of engaging in direct action. Finally, a positive relationship between interpersonal trust and direct action is found, thereby pointing to trust as a precondition or consequence of non-institutionalised political involvement. In sum, it appears that it is worthwhile to further pursue the study of social capital in the context of democratic politics.

The European Union and NATO Enlargement Debates in Comparative Perspective: A Case of Incremental Linkage? by Martin A Smith and Graham Timmins

The end of the Cold War has led to growing pressures on the European Union and NATO to open up membership to the emerging democracies of East-Central Europe. Following an initially cautious response to events in the region, both have developed enlargement policies, albeit in an ambiguous manner. Although there are no formal links between the two enlargement processes, it is argued in this article that ‘incremental linkage’ has occurred. Furthermore, although both institutions have formally commenced enlargement, there remain significant issues requiring attention.

Party Finance and Political Scandal in Italy, Spain and France by Véronique Pujas and Martin Rhodes

Understanding the recent explosion of political scandals in certain European countries requires a close analysis of why previously tolerated practices of party financing became the object of scandal. This article has twin objectives. The first is to understand why the market for ‘corrupt exchange’ surrounding party finance became so extensive in Italy, Spain and France in the 1980s. This we explain by identifying political opportunity structures particular to this group of countries. The second is to understand why formerly routine (albeit covert) corrupt practice became scandalous in the 1990s. This we attribute to a process of ‘competitive mobilisation’ among political, judicial and media elites.

Convergent Co-ordination Patterns in the French and German Core Executive: The Case of the BSE Crisis by G P E Walzenbach

This article analyses the introduction of a world-wide ban on British beef exports in March 1996; it raises the question how and to what extent a neo-institutional approach can contribute to our understanding of key events leading to the convergence of executive co-ordination in France and Germany in their reactions to the BSE crisis. Particular emphasis is placed on the standard operating procedures that are used in both countries in their dealings with institutions of the European Union. The article proposes that despite routinised rule-following, conflicts between salient political actors within each domestic system could not be avoided. It identifies three sources of change which helped to re-establish consensus within each national executive. Thus, the overall process leading to crucial decisions inside the French and German governments with regard to the handling of the crisis followed a remarkably similar pattern.

Bundesbank-Government Relations in Germany in the 1990s: From GEMU to EMU by Mark Duckenfield

The Bundesbank’s widely-discussed independence ascribes it only discretionary power in the realm of monetary policy, but its influence can extend into other areas of economic policy. Since the government retains the initiative in these policy realms, the Bundesbank’s influence consists of being able to mould the form rather than the direction of government policy. To exercise this influence, however, the Bundesbank must have public opinion on its side. An examination of the government-Bundesbank relationship as it touched upon the cases of Economic and Monetary Union in Germany (1990) and Europe (1990–98) reveals the extent and limitations of the Bundesbank’s influence over economic policy.

What’s Left of the French Right? The RPR and the UDF from Conquest to Humiliation, 1993–1998 by Andrew Knapp

The years 1997–98 were among the most difficult in the history of France’s moderate Right-wing parties. This article analyses their difficulties in three contexts: that of long-term electoral decline since the 1960s; that of a continuing ‘gravitational pull’ of French parties towards Duverger’s cadre model, despite the apparent ‘presidentialisation’ of parties under the Fifth Republic; and that of the weaknesses underlying Jacques Chirac’s presidential victory in 1995. A concluding section assesses the mainstream Right’s prospects in the light both of its structural disabilities and of the opportunities offered, in late 1998, by the break-up of the extreme right-wing Front National.

Party System Change in Scandinavia since 1970: ‘Restricted Change’ or ‘General Change’? by David Arter

This article sets out to examine the extent of party system change in Scandinavia since the ‘earthquake elections’ in the early 1970s witnessed the parliamentary breakthrough of new parties and, in particular, the rise of a populist radical right. It deploys an analytical framework derived from Berglund and Lindström’s five-party Scandinavian model and an identification of the ‘core structures’ of the frozen party system in the region. In assessing party system change the significance of changes in the patterns of interaction between parties at the elite level, that is in the governmental and parliamentary arenas, is emphasised over and above electoral change. It is argued that the core features of the Scandinavian party systems have changed much less since 1970 than the structure of party competition and that the single most important development in the party politics of the region has been that the historic non-socialist groupings have acquired increased ‘relevance’ as coalition parties both severally and collectively. The article concludes by asking: ‘so what?’ Can an indication of the extent of party system change be of assistance in understanding the wider workings of the political system and the operation of the legislative process?

Is ‘Competitive’ Corporatism an Adequate Response to Globalisation? Evidence from the Low Countries by Erik Jones

The Dutch practice of negotiated wage restraint and welfare state reform is often held up as a model for effective labour market adjustment. This article examines the distribution of adjustment costs under the Dutch model to determine whether it is stable in the long run – both directly and by analogy with the situation in Belgium. The conclusion is that while the Dutch have succeeded in effecting a remarkable adjustment in the distribution of value-added, the costs of this adjustment have been skewed against increasingly large sections of society. Should these groups outside the distributional coalition find representation at the national level, the Dutch model for negotiated wage restraint and welfare state reform is likely to revert to political alternation and tit-for-tat economic competition.

The Single-Issue Party Thesis: Extreme Right Parties and the Immigration Issue by Cas Mudde

This article examines the single-issue party thesis for the specific case of contemporary extreme right parties (ERPs) and the immigration issue. I define the single-issue party as (1) having an electorate with no particular social structure; (2) being supported predominantly on the basis of one single issue; (3) lacking an ideological programme; and (4) addressing only one all-encompassing issue. On the basis of a comprehensive analysis of electoral studies and party literature the single-issue party thesis is rejected on all counts. At best, immigration has been a catalyst for most ERPs in certain periods of time. Their ideology and broader programe will keep ERPs in the political arena for some time to come, even in the unlikely event that immigration would cease to be an important political issue.

Belgian Civil Servants in the European Union: A Tale of Two Cultures by Guido Dierickx and Jan Beyers

This article analyses the performance of Belgian civil servants in the working groups of the European Council of Ministers. If one takes the evaluation by their peers and the success of their networking efforts as criteria, one has to conclude that they perform comparatively well. This is all the more surprising because these ‘Euro-Belgian’ civil servants have been recruited and socialised into the vertical (bureaucratic) networks of the Belgian civil service before being transferred to the horizontal (negotiation) networks of the working groups. Their professional routines are of little use when making the transition and neither is their political culture, which proves to be ill adapted to their new work setting. In spite of these cultural and organisational handicaps they perform as well, sometimes even better than other civil servants in the working groups. Why? This question might be of some relevance to the functioning of the growing internationalised administration of the European Union.

Are Catholics Still Different? Catholicism, Political Attitudes and Party Attachments in Switzerland, 1970–95 by Simon Geissbühler

This article is concerned with the political attitudes and the party attachments of Swiss Catholics between 1970 and 1995. Do Catholics still have distinct political orientations or have the differences between Catholics and non-Catholics withered away in the process of secularisation? A re-analysis of several surveys indicates that Catholics are indeed still different politically from the overall Swiss population. But these differences between Catholics and non-Catholics are relatively small and have almost disappeared in the last 30 years. However, the data also suggests that while the confessional cleavage has lost most of its significance, it is increasingly superseded by a religious one.

Abstracts of articles in Issue 22.2

Special Issue

Compounded Representation in West European Federations

Edited by: Joanne Bay Brzinski, Thomas D Lancaster and Christian Tuschhoff, all at Emory University, Georgia USA

Introduction by Joanne Bay Brzinski, Thomas D Lancaster and Christian Tuschhoff

This essay serves as an introduction and preface to this volume. It outlines the research justification for the project 'Federalism and Compounded Representation in Western Europe' that provides the emanation of the studies in this volume. Following a brief discussion of key terms, it gives an account of the project's motivations, both in terms of previous research and the authors' own academic situation. The essay then describes the project's unique organization and names the many scholars who participated in it. Credit is also given to the organizations and individuals that made it possible.

The Compounding Effect: The Impact of Federalism on the Concept of Representation by Christian Tuschhoff

This theoretical essay compares unitary and federal systems. It shows how federalism compounds the formal (authority transfer and accountability) and the substantive (proportionality, constituents' service, and imperative mandate) aspects of political representation. By identifying 11 features of compounded representation it also indicates the dimensions along which representation varies across federations. It concludes that federations set different sets of choices than unitary systems for principals and agents to construct their relationship. Most importantly, the unitary-federal systems distinction helps to explain how agents are enabled and constrained and behave accordingly. Furthermore, federal arrangements lead to distinct forms of social organization and strategies of interest representation.

Confederal Federalism and Citizen Representation in the European Union by John Kincaid

The EU's compound system of representation consists predominantly of authoritative representation executed indirectly by trustees through descriptive representation. This is necessitated by the EU's confederal structure, coupled with substantive representation executed by delegates directly through consultative representation, necessitated by the EU's federal mode of operation. Recent developments suggest a strengthening of the confederal structure of first-order decision-making, which tends formally to decompose compounded representation into its primary nationality element, and a simultaneous strengthening of the EU's federal mode of operation and regulatory extension, now through the single currency. This is likely to intensify consultative representation and further compound that representation as individuals' territorial and functional interests variously converge and diverge along multiple faultlines.

Complex Self-Identification and Compounded Representation in Federal Systems by Thomas D Lancaster

This analysis asks 'What mediating influence does federalism and political parties have on the expression of electoral preferences where individual self-identification is highly complex?' Framed as part of the debate about 'structure and agency', it argues that the interaction of federalism and parties are necessary conditions for voters to express multi-dimensional political preferences in multi-national states. Individuals' strategic choices often produce compounded representation as a means to express such complicated principal-agent relationships.

Federalism and the Paradox of Corporatism by Omar G Encarnación

This essay explores the paradoxical and complex relationship between federalism and corporatism. It suggests that in federal systems, corporatism can function as a centralizing counterbalance to the centrifugal forces of federalism, especially when the process of federalization is wedded to the politics of multinationalism. This thesis is illustrated with empirical materials from the simultaneous construction of federalist and corporatist institutions during the consolidation of Spanish democracy. It demonstrates how political actors in post-Franco Spain seized upon such centralizing features of corporatism as social and economic concertation involving the government, employers and trade unions to integrate the nation's political class and to forged a policy consensus across class and regional cleavages.

The (In) Compatability of Corporatism and Federalism: Austrian Social Partnership and the EU by Anton Pelinka

This study argues that 'strong corporatism' in Europe has lost some of its significance. As it can be demonstrated in the Austrian case, all the indicators give a clear picture that centralized tripartism does not control politics and policies on the national level as it used to do. There are two possible corporatist answers to that decline: Corporatism on a regional level, as it is discussed and analyzed especially in Italy; and corporatism on the EU's transnational level. The possibility to use the trend towards a federal Europe to strengthen corporatism and to reconcile corporatism and federalism on a European level is discussed at the end.

Party Politics and Territorial Representation in the Federal Republic of Germany by Charlie Jeffery

Much has been written about the potential in the FRG for conflict between different 'logics' of representation: the federal logic of nationally organized political parties and the territorial logic of Länder politics. Concerns highlighted in 1976 by Gerhard Lehmbruch's classic work, Parteienwettbewerb im Bundesstaat, about the competing logics of territorial and party representation have reemerged strongly since unification, when the SPD has for the most part held a nominal majority in the Bundesrat, and with it the potential to bolster its politics of Bundestag opposition to the governing CDU/CSU-FDP coalition. This essay argues that such concerns have always, but in particular in the post-unification situation, been overstated, and that post-unification developments in both the federal system and in Länder party systems have tended (a) to promote a more vigorous territorial politics in Germany, and (b) to militate against the instrumentalization of the Bundesrat in the service of federal-level party politics.

Reform Gridlock and the Role of the Bundesrat in German Politics by Stephen J Silvia

Recently, pro-business interest groups and politicians in Germany complained that Bundesrat had become an obstructionist institution. They claimed the Bundesrat produced permanent 'reform gridlock' that threatened German economic competitiveness and undermined public conference in government. Consequently, they called for reducing the Bundesrat's power. This study assesses whether such a change is necessary by investigating the gridlock's causes. It applies two traditional explanations of gridlock from the 1970s – political conjuncture and structural secularism – to the 1990s both to uncover gridlock's sources and to test the enduring power of the contending hypotheses. The analysis concludes that gridlock is a cyclical product of party competition in a federal system. Structural reform is therefore not necessary.

Abstracts of articles in Issue 22.1

The Regulatory State and Its Legitimacy Problems by Giandomenico Majone

While the interventionist state was characterised by a high level of centralisation in administration and policy making, the regulatory state relies on extensive delegation of powers to independent institutions: regulatory agencies or commissions, but also the judiciary which is becoming an increasingly active player in the regulatory game. Delegation of important policy-making powers to non-majoritarian institutions raises novel problems of democratic legitimacy. This article argues that such problems should be tackled not by limiting the independence of the regulators, but rather by strengthening the accountability structure. Similar problems arise at the European level. Here, too, the correct solution is a better accountability structure rather than increased politicisation. The de-politicisation of European policy making is a consequence of the fact that the large majority of Europe's voters support far-reaching economic integration but oppose true political integration.

Using Europe to 'Bind Leviathan': The Franco-German Relationship and Economic and Monetary Union by Kenneth Dyson

This article explores the interaction between the institutional, strategic and cognitive dimensions of the Franco-German relationship on Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). It begins by spelling out its institutional setting and its context of structural power. These sections highlight the main informal rules that have shaped the relationship and help explain the choice of negotiating strategies to reconcile their objectives and secure influence on the design and content of EMU. The next section focuses on the cognitive dimension of the relationship, identifying the nature of Franco-German objectives, their basis in differences of inherited beliefs and problems in reconciling them. In the final section the nature of the political theory underpinning EMU is clarified and explained and the kind of challenge that it poses for French policy makers as it tests the limits of the republican state tradition. More broadly, EMU is an attempt to redefine the relationship between state and Europe and state and society, bringing with it new political meanings.

The Neglected Level: Franco-German Bilateralism and Agricultural Politics in the European Union by Douglas Webber

Most of the newer models of European Union (EU) politics and European integration downplay the role of national governments or at least see their influence as waning. This article takes issue with this thesis. It analyses the conflicts that took place over the creation of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) in the early 1960s and over the reform of the CAP and the GATT Uruguay Round in the early 1990s. It presents an essentially intergovernmentalist explanation of these conflicts, arguing that their outcomes were determined by the stances taken by the French and German governments: if they supported a given project, it was approved; if they opposed it, it failed; if and as long as they were divided, the decision-making process was deadlocked. On the one hand, it would be hazardous to generalise these findings to other EU issues and policy areas. On the other, the practice (and the impact) of Franco-German bilateralism is far from being confined solely to 'history-making' EU decisions. More research is warranted on this hitherto largely-neglected level of EU politics.

European Banking: Five Modes of Governance by George Pagoulatos

Banking policy is a strong case for the rise of the regulatory model in Europe. However, regulation is not the single observable governance mode. Overall five competing and mutually complementary modes of governance define European banking policy and policy making: governance by state control; governance by the market; governance by regulation; governance by sectoral co-ordination; and governance by supranational interdependence. Each of these modes raises its own distinct claim to legitimacy. Moreover, a pattern of leapfrogging characterises regulatory policy making at the supranational level.

Coalition Composition and Legislative Outcomes in Italy by Mary L Volcansek

This article considers the connections between executive and legislative coalitions in Italy and poses the question of the extent to which the characteristics of coalitions affect legislative outcomes. Executive decree laws are used as an indicator of cabinet policy proposals, and the relationship between the successful conversion of decrees by parliament and the contours of the governing coalition are explored. The separability of executive and legislative coalitions is strongly suggested by the analysis, which is somewhat consistent with experiences in other Western European countries. That is caused less by tensions between the two institutional arenas than by disputes among those parties present in both the legislature and the executive and internal to those parties. When examining the period in which decree laws were used most frequently (1983–94), the number of parties in the executive coalition is strongly and positively linked to successful conversion of government decree laws. That finding buttresses the conclusions of Laver and Shepsle that credibility is a key factor in coalition behaviour and that surplus majority cabinets are often crucial to maintain cabinet and policy credibility.

Core Executives and Party Politics: Privatisation in the Netherlands by Jouke de Vries and Kutsal Yesilkagit

The role of core executives in co-ordination processes is an important research topic in political science and public administration. This article analyses the co-ordinating role of core executives and party politics in the area of privatisation in the Netherlands between 1980 and 1994. In this period, Ruud Lubbers was the prime minister of three successive cabinets. The first two rested on a centre-right coalition, the last one was centre-left. We try to answer two questions. First, which core executives are important to what kind of co-ordination form in the policy area of privatisation? Second, what are the consequences of political changes in government from a centre-right to a centre-left coalition for the role of the core executives and the co-ordination style? We will argue, first, that the predominant co-ordination type in the Netherlands in this period was horizontal. Second, we argue that a change in party politics has no consequences for the co-ordination process and the influence of the core executives. Horizontal co-ordination is shown to be supplemented by cultural and vertical co-ordination. Furthermore, the study shows that a political change of a coalition government from centre-right to centre-left is not without consequences for the role of core executives and the substance of the privatisation policy.

Facing the European Challenge: Finnish Parties Adjust to the Integration Process by Tapio Raunio

Membership in the European Union (EU) has introduced a new significant cleavage to the Finnish political system. The membership referendum held in 1994 showed that most parties were internally divided over integration. This article analyses the positions of Finnish parties on European integration. The empirical material consists primarily of party documents issued up to June 1998. Particular attention is paid to party positions on the future development of the EU. The analysis highlights the elite-led nature of intra-party opinion formation on integration, and argues that EU issues have the potential of destabilising the Finnish party system.

Election Reports:

'Appointment with History': The Referenda on the Stormont Peace Agreement, May 1998 by Michael O' Neill
The 1998 Danish Parliamentary Election: Social Democrats Muddle through to Victory by Ketil Bjugan
The 1998 Dutch Election: Floating Voters or Wandering Parties? by Wouter van der Brug
The 1998 Riksdag Election: Hobson's Choice and Sweden's Voice by John T S Madeley

Review Article: The Nature of Multi-Level Government: Analysing The European Union by Murray Forsyth

Book Reviews (9 titles)

Abstracts of articles in Issue 21.4

The Memory of the Civil War in the Transition to Democracy: The Peculiarity of the Basque Case by Paloma Aguilar The traumatic memory of the Spanish Civil War helped ensure that every effort was made during the transition to democracy to avoid repeating those errors which had helped destroy the 2nd Republic. A policy of national reconciliation was adopted, based on a recognition of collective guilt over the war, and consensus was established as the form of negotiation par excellence. For the Basques, however, maximalist and violent postures were not restricted to such a small minority as in the rest of Spain, reflecting different values and priorities. This analysis seeks to explain the reasons for these differences by identifying the existence of a unique memory of the war which, shaped by Basque nationalist élites, generated lessons sufficiently distinct from the rest of Spain as to have a different political impact.

Ideologies in the Making of the Spanish Transition by Elías Díaz

In this study, a leading figure in the development of the Socialist opposition to Franco within Spain and a prominent defender of the democratic 'state of law', reflects on the emergence of different political ideas, ideologies and positions which have shaped interpretations of the transition to democracy. These contrasting ideologies, to which little attention has been devoted in the existing literature, are seen as having influenced the habits, the theoretical and cultural constructions, and the political and social behaviour of contemporary Spain. The author concludes with reflections on the role of the Left in the future development of constitutional democracy in Spain.

The Spanish 'State of Autonomies': Non-Institutional Federalism by Josep M Colomer

Spain has become one of the most decentralised states in Europe. The so-called 'state of autonomies' provides a salient element of political and institutional pluralism in the framework of a rather simple, restrictive democratic regime. Yet, state decentralisation has not derived from an explicit constitutional mandate, but rather from party strategies, competition, and bargaining. Regional governments and parties compete with each other for resources from the centre. Few institutions promote co-operation. Given the lack of appropriate institutions, regional governments can hardly contribute to the formation of national public policy. The future of the Spanish state of autonomies thus depends on short-term political developments and is more uncertain than federalism in more formally institutionalised states.

Stabilising the Democratic Order: Electoral Behaviour in Spain by José Ramón Montero

Among the many incognita which face new democracies, electoral stabilisation and party institutionalisation are of particular significance. This analysis discusses the major features and factors which have contributed to the establishment of increasingly stable relations between Spanish parties and voters. It examines continuities in the most important indicators of electoral behaviour, the mechanisms which have served to anchor support for the parties, and the constraining impact of the electoral system on party competition. Despite appearances to the contrary, Spanish voters have long been firmly rooted in specific ideological spaces, their electoral preferences have undoubtedly become stabilised, and electoral competition has followed predictable patterns.

Political Scandals and Political Responsibility in Democratic Spain by Fernando Jiménez

Political corruption has become one of the major concerns of Spanish politics during the 1990s. The first part reviews briefly the main cases of political scandals in democratic Spain and accounts for their prominence during the present decade. In the second part, it is argued that the public debate generated by these scandals represents a lost opportunity to build sound and practical rules and traditions of political responsibility. The positions adopted by the Socialist government and its supporters as well as by its accusers have created much confusion in the debate on political responsibility, and have also contributed to the failure to forge some workable conventions in this area.

Power Diffusion or Concentration? In Search of the Spanish Policy Process by Paul Heywood

Much of the literature on post-Franco Spain has referred to the country's democratic political organisation as corporatist or neo-corporatist. This study seeks to question such interpretations, and argues instead that the institutional framework of power in democratic Spain concentrates power and gives the elected government considerable autonomy over policy formulation and implementation. Social pacts in Spain have been used as temporary adjustment measures rather than as a long-term policy instrument, reflecting the lack of entrenched social interests with privileged access to the policy arena. An analysis of budgetary policy underlines the dominant position of the executive, and within it of the Ministry of the Economy, a so-called 'super-ministry'. Finally, factors which temper core executive dominance in the policy process are considered.

Pressure Groups and the Articulation of Interests by Joaquim M Molins and Alex Casademunt

This essay surveys major developments in Spanish interest groups since the end of the Franco dictatorship. It argues that the lack consolidation of pressure groups does not mean that particular interests have not been influential. However, rather than represent a functional phase of the decision making process, such influence reflects informal relationships between pressure groups and state authorities. As a result, many pressure groups, especially business and trade union organisations, have reinforced their central structures, to the detriment of their representative function. Although the recent development of public policy at all levels has favoured the emergence of pressure groups within diverse social sectors, levels of affiliation are very low, and interest mediation largely continues along informal channels.

Judicial Review and Political Empowerment: Abortion in Spain by Belén Barreiro

The 1985 ruling of the Spanish Constitutional Court on abortion reveals clearly the tension between judicial review and democracy. The Court, like some of its European counterparts, invaded the domain of legislative politics, deciding instead of reviewing. It is argued that, paradoxically, in some circumstances the constraints which courts represent for legislatures may actually empower politicians. In particular, when representatives have to deal with highly sensitive and divisive issues, such as abortion, judicial review may prove to be a useful instrument for conflict management.

Spanish Socialists, Privatising the Right Way? by Raj Chari

Few students of contemporary Spanish politics have sought to explain the seemingly paradoxical commitment to privatisation of state enterprises by the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE). Focusing on the sales of two major companies (Seat and Enasa) formerly belonging to Spain's National Industry Institute (INI), this essay argues that INI privatisations can best be explained by analysing the role of domestic financial capital, the drive of international industrial capital, and the actions of leading figures in the Ministry of Economy and Finance. It also investigates why these policies were formulated in a closed setting without either transparent display on the public record of the conditions of sale or full knowledge of the Spanish Council of Ministers.

Regional Decentralisation of Health Policy in Spain: Social Capital does not tell the Whole Story by Ana Rico, Pablo González and Marta Fraile

The study evaluates the effects of decentralisation on regional performance in the field of health. Its main goal is to replicate Putnam's research design for the case of Italy, but with various innovations. First, we explicitly consider the effects of endogenous institutional variables. Second, we carry out a before-after study of one Spanish region, thereby holding constant the social context while allowing the institutional framework to vary. The results confirm the explanatory power of social factors, but also suggest that the institutional model of decentralisation is a crucial causal mechanism mediating between government performance and the social context.

The 'Soft Side' of Employment Policy: The Spanish Experience by Victor Pérez-Díaz

Spain faces a major problem of unemployment. This study accepts that without a mix of economic policies that include a greater degree of labour market flexibility and a profound revision of the welfare state, Spanish unemployment figures cannot be substantially reduced. The analysis here, however, concentrates on the 'soft side' of employment policy, and on those social, cultural and institutional aspects which underpin broader economic policy, and which, it is argued, may have profound effects on the evolution of employment in the long term. Five topics are examined – education, occupational training, unions and public opinion, business culture, and the social construction of the problem of employment – in order to emphasise the themes of employability, fairness and transparency.

About the Contributors

Book Reviews (13 titles)

Index to Volume 21 – 1998